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    Thursday, December 03, 2009

     

    Bernanke's Re-Confirmation Testimony

    by Dollars and Sense

    With opposition from the left (from Bernie Sanders, who promised to put an "official hold" on a floor vote for Bernanke's re-confirmation) and from the right (by two Republicans, as yet unnamed, according to FireDogLake, via NakedCapitalism).

    Meanwhile, here's the New York Times account of Bernanke's testimony, where he concedes that the Fed "could have done more" to avert the crisis.

    Here's a nice discussion on The Big Picture of whether Bernanke will get re-confirmed, should get re-confirmed, and whether we the people have any say whatsoever (one commenter claims that Bernanke's approval rating is at 21%).

    And here's an op-ed from left-ish economist Dean Baker and libertarian Mark Calabria arguing that an agreement on Fed transparency should precede Bernanke's re-confirmation. Sounds good to us.

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    12/03/2009 08:16:00 PM 0 comments

    Monday, November 23, 2009

     

    On the Stimulus

    by Dollars and Sense

    Paul Krugman's column in today's New York Times is on the stimulus and the deficit, and how Wall Street is scaring the Obama administration into not doing the right thing with a second stimulus to create jobs.

    This article from Saturday's Times indicates that there's now a consensus among economists that the stimulus was a good idea (and that more would be better). (Today's Times, however, has an article that worries about U.S. government debt repayments.)

    And the lead article on our website, John Miller's "Up Against the Wall Street Journal" column, argues that the deficit isn't as worrisome as the alternatives.

    And here is a piece on these topics by Edward Harrison, guest-blogging at Naked Capitalism, arguing for a focus on job-creation--direct if possible.

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    11/23/2009 01:32:00 PM 0 comments

    Thursday, October 22, 2009

     

    Pay Czar's Ruling on Compensation

    by Dollars and Sense

    The Wall Street Journal, and (scroll down) Naked Capitalism, on compensation czar Kenneth Feinberg's ruling on executive pay at seven bailed-out financial firms:
    Pay Czar to Slash Compensation at Seven Firms
    By DEBORAH SOLOMON and DAN FITZPATRICK | Tuesday, October 22 2009

    The U.S. pay czar will cut in half the average compensation for 175 employees at firms receiving large sums of government aid, with the vast majority of salaries coming in under $500,000, according to people familiar with the government's plans.

    As expected, the biggest cut will be to salaries, which will drop by 90% on average. Kenneth Feinberg, the Treasury Department's special master for compensation, is expected to issue his determinations today.

    Mr. Feinberg's ruling will provide fodder for the long-running debate about whether the Obama administration is being [sic— something missing here? "tough enough"? "too tough"?] on Wall Street. An executive at one of the seven companies under Mr. Feinberg's authority said the terms came as a shock, especially because they changed so suddenly. The compensation restrictions "were clearly much worse than what had been anticipated."

    The largest single compensation package will be less than $10 million and is destined for a Bank of America Corp. employee, according to people familiar with the matter. That is much less than Wall Street's standard payouts for star employees.

    Yet some executives will still walk away with large paychecks. And some big salary cuts might skew overall numbers. Outgoing Bank of America Chief Executive Ken Lewis will receive no salary for 2009. Already, Citigroup Inc. is telling employees the net impact of Mr. Feinberg's rulings will be minimal because the cut salary will be shifted from cash to longer-term stock grants, said people familiar with the matter.

    The Obama administration gave Mr. Feinberg the job of more closely tying compensation to long-term performance, something the White House believes will help prevent employees from taking unnecessary risks for short-term gains. The administration believes skewed compensation incentives were one cause of the financial crisis.

    In addition to setting dollar amounts for the top 175 employees at the seven companies, Mr. Feinberg is also charged with setting compensation structures for an additional 525 people at the firms.

    Some of the toughest pay restrictions will come at the financial-products unit of American International Group Inc., which has been blamed for the firm's near-collapse. No employee within that unit will receive compensation of more than $200,000, people familiar with the matter said.

    The companies under Mr. Feinberg's authority are AIG, Bank of America, Citigroup, General Motors Co., GMAC Inc., Chrysler Group LLC and Chrysler Financial.

    Read the rest of the article.
    Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism is skeptical:
    Pay Czar Decides to Collect a Few Scalps, a Sign of Weakness

    The Wall Street Journal reports that the pay czar, Kenneth Feinberg, is going to cut executive comp at 7 TARP recipients for the 25 most highly paid employees.

    Does this really mean anything? The press will noise it up as significant (and some outlets will no doubt finger wag at this "interference") but the short answer is no.

    First, recall Feinberg's hollow mandate. He is limited to only TARP recipients, not the beneficiaries of other forms of government largesse. And as anyone who has an operating brain cell knows, the number of firms on the dole and the degree of subsidies is much greater than the TARP. Have a look at the Fed's balance sheet for a reality check. Even Larry Summers said,

    There is no financial institution that exists today that is not the direct or indirect beneficiary of trillions of dollars of taxpayer support for the financial system.

    So let us look at the list of companies affected. AIG, Bank of America, Citigroup, General Motors Co., GMAC Inc., Chrysler Group LLC and Chrysler Financial. AIG is effectively nationalized but is allowed to operate as a private company, a simply bizarre state of affairs. Pay cuts falls well short of the oversight the government should be exercising (any private owner with that big of a stake would have thrown out the board and installed new management, for starters, and be all over AIG like a cheap suit). So this is an overdue, token measure to appease the public over the AIG retention bonuses that were also extended to clearly non-essential support staff, which is a clear tipoff that they were also extended to non-essential management.

    Four of the companies are auto bailout related, so we can exclude them as far as implications for big financial firms are concerned.

    Citigroup is an obvious ward of the state too, and he AIG argument applies there. The government should have more control there too, which does NOT mean micromanagement. When the Swedish nationalized their banks, they replaced management and set strict goals and targets, but did not interfere in operations. Bank of America may look like a borderline case, but it would be dead now had it not gotten emergency infusions. Given its credit card losses, Merrill, and Countrywide (for starters) combined with the sudden exit of Ken Lewis, it may well be in worse shape than is now perceived.

    The point is that the collection of these scalps will do nothing to comp levels ex these firms. The companies that also enjoy implicit government guarantees are free to do the "heads I win, tails you lose" game of privatized gains and socialized losses. And Ken Lewis is the poster child of why these measures are completely meaningless. He sacrificed his 2009 pay, but will still collect $125 million when he departs Bank of America.

    If the government is going to backstop the industry (and this isn't an "if" anymore), it needs to limit those firm's activities to what is socially valuable and regulate them heavily to contain risk taking. As we have said, reining in executive pay (and note there is no will to do that anyhow) is not an effective approach. Those employees who don't like that are free to decamp and raise money in ways that do not involve the regulated firms in any way, shape, or form, save perhaps counterparty exposures on very safe, highly liquid instruments.

    Read the original post.

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    10/22/2009 12:11:00 PM 0 comments

    Wednesday, October 21, 2009

     

    Civil Rights Movement for the Middle Class

    by Dollars and Sense

    A guest post on Naked Capitalism. Hat-tip to Ben C.

    A New Civil Rights Movement is Afoot for the Middle Class

    By John Bougearel, Director of Futures and Equity Research at Structural Logic.
    Tuesday, October 21 2009

    The core of America is the middle class. And Harvard Law Professor and chair of the Congressional Oversight Panel COP (the COP is to oversee TARP, the Troubled Assets Relief Program) Elizabeth Warren tells us that the core of America is being carved up, hollowed out. In her words, "I Believe Middle Class is Under Terrific Assault...Middle class became the turkey at the Thanksgiving dinner" of the financial elite. Elizabeth Warren is more than just right.

    Call it for what it is. It has more names than Satan. Call it plundering. Call it pillaging. Call it extortion, Call it fraud. Call it racketeering. Call it the financial raping of the middle class. Call it criminal. Consider the following. Middle class never consented to this financial rape. They vehemently protested it when the gov't first proposed a $700 bailout of the financial system called TARP in Septermber 2008. Yet what did Congress and our government do? They went ahead and did it anyway. This boils down to one thing, taxation without representation. Our votes do not matter anymore.

    This is happening because the US government is allowing it to happen. It is one thing for the government to raise the social safety nets for the poor, elderly and such. It is entirely another to raise the social safety nets for the financial elitists at taxpayer expense. But that is exactly what the government has done in the past year. They have rescued a financial system at the expense of everyone else. Mythical constructs and messages that financial companies are Too Big to Fail, systemic risk is too great, No More Lehman Brothers have been created by the powers that be. And it is in the name of No More Lehman Brothers and Too Big to Fail that Middle Class America is being carved up and hollowed out.

    Appearing in Michael Moore's "Capitalism: A Love Story, Michael Moore asks Elizabeth Warren (regarding the $700 billion dollar taxpayer funded bailout of the financial elite) "Where's are money? And Warren takes a deep breath, looks briefly over her left shoulder (as if she might find it there), and exhales "I don't know."

    Washington Post's Lois Romano asked Elizabeth Warren, "Why don't you know?"
    WARREN: We don't know where the $700 billion dollars is because the system was initially designed to make sure that we didn't know. When Secretary Paulson first put this money out into the banks, he didn't ask for ‘what are you going to do with it.' He didn't put any restrictions on it. He didn't put any tabs on where it was going to go. In other words, he didn't ask...

    US Secretary of the Treasury Hank Paulson did not ask the banks what they were going to do with our taxpayer money. The US treasury, given Congressional blessing, simply gave the banksters hundreds of billions of taxpayer dollars with no questions asked. This is wholesale taxation without representation.

    So Romano asks Warren, "Are we, as an [economy] are we better off systemically now? Have we put things in place to prevent this from happening?" Warren replies "This really has me worried." And it should have Warren worried because our Humpty Dumpty financial system had a great fall, and Humpty was put together again by all the King's horses (read the US Treasury and Congress) and all the King's men (read Uncle Sam's taxpayers), Yet, Humpty Dumpty is still the same old fragile egg he was when he sat on a wall right before he had his great fall.

    WARREN: A year ago the big concern was systemic risk and how to deal with 'too big to fail' firms...the big are bigger, we wiped out a lot of small folks and there's more concentration" in the banking system.

    And it is not just the Humpty Dumpty financial system that is so fragile.
    WARREN: The way I see it is that the financial system itself is quite fragile, and that the underlying economy, the real economy, jobs, housing, household wealth, is still in a very perilous state.

    So Lois Romano asks Warren, "Are we going to look back in two or three years at this TARP expenditure and say well, it worked."
    WARREN: "What is so astonishing about the first expenditures under TARP was that taxpayer dollars were put into financial institutions that were still, um, left all of their shareholders intact, that were still paying dividends, that paid their creditors 100 cents on the dollar. We put taxpayer money in without saying ‘you've got to use up everyone else's money first.' And once that's the case, I don't know how you ever put the genie back in the bottle. I don't know how you ever persuade either a large corporation or the wider marketplace that if you can just get big enough and tie yourself to enough other important people, institutions, that if something goes wrong, the taxpayer will be behind you.

    That's a game-changer. That is a whole different approach than any we've ever used before.

    ROMANO: What more can we be doing to protect the middle class, to protect what Michael Moore refers to as the American Dream?

    WARREN: "You know, the answer is we're in trouble on so many fronts. In the 1950s and the 1960s, coming out of World War II, we said as a government and as a people, 'what can we do to support the middle class?' That's what, FHA was to help people get into homes, right? VA, uh, G.I. loans on education. We looked at policies by whether they strengthened and support the middle class. Somewhere that began to change in the late 1970s and early 1980s, and the middle class instead became like a resource to be pulled from. They became the turkey at the Thanksgiving dinner. Who could carve off a piece, who could get this little piece, who could make a profit from this piece and that piece or squeeze down on the wages? And, the middle class has gotten shakier and shakier, hollowed out.

    The consequences of that are far more than economic. The middle class is what makes us who we are. It affects the poor. A strong and vital middle class is a middle class that can offer a helping hand to the poor. A strong and vital middle class is a middle class that has room, is creating new jobs to, basically to suck the poor up out of poverty and into middle class positions. The middle class is what gives us political stability. It's what gives us an America that's all bought in to the whole process. That what we do is not just about a handful of folks at the top who profit from it. We all profit from it. And that's why we work, and that's why we vote, and that's why we accept the outcome of elections, and, that's why we're safe to walk our streets, because we have a middle class for which this ultimately works, this country.

    And every time we hollow that out. Every time we take away a little piece of that. We run the risk that some of what we understood as America, some of what we know as America, begins to die.

    That's what scares me.

    Aaron Task interviewed Elizabeth Warren at The Economist's Oct 15-16 "Buttonwood Gathering" In that interview, Warren says,
    The big banks always get what they want. They have all the money, all the lobbyists. And boy is that true on this one. There's just not a lobby on the other side.

    This is a moment when all around the country people are saying we've had it about up to here with these large financial institutions that want to write the rule then take our money. I find it astonishing that they have the nerve to show up and say, 'I'm a big financial institution. I took your money. And now I'm going to lobby against anything that might offer some protection to ordinary families in this marketplace.

    This might be the time that the rules change.


    The Buttonwood Gathering event took place over the weekend following Q3 earnings announcements from the big banks. Because of the taxpayer bailout of these big banks, some of them, namely JPM and GS are now enjoying record profits and will enjoy record bonuses this season. The irony is overwhelming that this is happening in 2009. Because of the failure of the financial system, more than 7 million middle class jobs have been lost, and the US economy is confronting double digit unemployment for the first time since 1982. Without taxpayer dollars, these record profits and record bonuses in 2009 would not even be possible for the big banks. Hell, without taxpayer dollars zombifying them with congressional and White House sanctioning, they'd have gone the way of the dinosaurs, the way of the buggy whips. That is the way history should have gone. But no, that is counterfactual now. There is something very wrong in America, the very way it is being run by government, and run over by the big banks. It is high time for middle class America to push back, precisely because our elected officials have not only failed to do so, but have legislated all of this to make it happen. Our government has become an active agent in the gutting of the middle class.
    Commenting on Wall Street' record 2009 bonuses Elizabeth Warren says she is

    Wordless, Speechless. I do not understand how financial institutions could think they could take taxpayer money and turn around and act like it's business as usual...I don't understand how they can't see that the world has changed in a fundamental way—it's not business as usual.


    Read the rest of the post.

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    10/21/2009 03:33:00 PM 0 comments

    Saturday, September 05, 2009

     

    The Preliminary G20 Financial Reform Meeting

    by Dollars and Sense

    Yves Smith cautions us to view the communique with caution. She also says this on the quibble on the Basel II (which were wholly ineffective in the run-up to the crisis, and indeed contributed mightily to it) capital adequacy standards between the US and France.


    Simon Johnson
    says that assumption that we need modern (characteristic of the last 30 years) finance for economic growth, which all the G20ers seems to assume as gospel, is misconceived. He also says that modern finance has provided, more than anything else, a means for the wealthy to capture state power. The former point cannot be made emphatically enough after the bogus recapitalization of the banks.

    Finally, perhaps to illustrate the latter point in a particularly enraging way, here's what some of the creative minds in finance have been up to lately.

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    9/05/2009 02:47:00 PM 0 comments

    Saturday, August 29, 2009

     

    This Is What We Get for All the Bailout Money

    by Dollars and Sense

    Two related posts here: Simon Johnson of Baseline Scenario looks at the shakeout in the banking system that he says is leading to the creation of a two-tier economy that benefits connected-insiders of virtually Naomi Klein proportions (that's him, not me). And here's also a FT piece from early July that goes into the matter in more detail.

    And Yves Smith discusses one way in which this is being done, via the use of forms of leverage that contributed to the blowup last year. Seems like we really saved the banking system only to increase the likelihood that we'll be hit by it again. I hope, if that happens, we don't repeat this mistake again next time.

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    8/29/2009 11:28:00 AM 0 comments

    Friday, August 28, 2009

     

    Environmental Stuff (Not Pretty)

    by Dollars and Sense

    Peak Water? Thanks to Naked Capitalism

    The "Great Pacific Garbage Patch" pinpointed at last. Thanks again to Yves Smith.

    Ever-more bizarre geoengineering proposals. Why can't we just consume sustainably instead?

    Finally, speculators and oil markets. Thanks to Economist's View.

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    8/28/2009 11:02:00 AM 0 comments

    Wednesday, August 26, 2009

     

    Labor Leader To Head New York Fed

    by Dollars and Sense

    Yves Smith thinks it's a gimmick, but one that may have some unexpected consequences.

    Tuesday, August 25, 2009
    Naked Capitalism

    Labor Leader Chosen to Head of New York Fed Board of Directors

    Joseph Stiglitz has said that labor should have a voice in the setting of interest rate policy. Is this change at the New York Fed, teh appointment of the AFL-CIO's Denis Hughes as the replacement to ex Goldman co-chairman Steve Friedman as chairman of the New York Fed, a step in that direction?

    If it proves to be, it will only be by dint of miscalculation. This is clearly an image-burnishing move by the Fed, throwing a bone to critics, But letting labor into the tent may have unexpected consequences, simply by allowing someone who has not drunk the financial services industry Kool-Aid more influence (Hughes was on the board, but as vice chairman). This appointment is only until year-end, but if the Fed continues to be under political pressure, it isn't hard to imagine this appointment being extended.

    The Journal's Deal Journal voices the opposite possibility, that labor is being co-opted. The branding of labor as monolithic and radical is a bit of a canard. In the 1930s, the old AFL, which was a craft union, was comparatively conservative and regarded more favorably than upstart and aggressive CIO, for instance.

    From the Wall Street Journal (hat tip reader LeeAnne):

    Denis Hughes, president of the New York state branch of the AFL-CIO, had been serving as acting chairman of the New York Fed board since May, when Stephen Friedman stepped down from the position.

    Mr. Friedman, a former Goldman Sachs Group Inc. chairman and adviser to President George W. Bush, had faced questions about his purchases of Goldman stock while serving on the New York Fed's board.

    The Fed decision formalizes Mr. Hughes's role as chairman through the end of 2009. The Fed board in Washington will announce in November or December who will serve as chairman in 2010. Columbia University President Lee Bollinger was named deputy chairman, a position that Mr. Hughes previously held. Mr. Bollinger has been a New York Fed director since January 2007.

    The New York Fed chairmanship typically has gone to prominent Wall Street executives or academics. The ascension of a labor leader is a new twist for the New York Fed and a sign of the public pressure the Fed has been under to loosen its close ties to Wall Street.

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    8/26/2009 10:37:00 AM 0 comments

    Tuesday, August 25, 2009

     

    Yves Smith: Banks Sitting on Bad Mortgages

    by Dollars and Sense

    More reason to view Case-Shiller data with caution: increased buying activity is only one side of the problem.

    Naked Capitalism
    Tuesday, August 25, 2009

    Banks Sitting on Bad Mortgages, And They Aren't Getting Any Better

    Fitch released an analysis that shows that mortgage cure rates, meaning the proportion of borrowers who manage to get current once they fall behind, have tanked. From the Wall Street Journal:

    The report from Fitch Ratings Ltd., a credit-rating firm, focuses on a plunge in the "cure rate" for mortgages that were packaged into securities. The study excludes loans guaranteed by government-backed agencies as well as those that weren't bundled into securities. The cure rate is the portion of delinquent loans that return to current payment status each month.

    Fitch found that the cure rate for prime loans dropped to 6.6% as of July from an average of 45% for the years 2000 through 2006. For so-called Alt-A loans -- a category between prime and subprime that typically involves borrowers who don't fully document their income or assets -- the cure rate has fallen to 4.3% from 30.2. In the subprime category, the rate has declined to 5.3% from 19.4%.

    "The cure rates have really collapsed," said Roelof Slump, a managing director at Fitch.

    Because borrowers are less willing or able to catch up on payments, foreclosures are likely to remain a big problem. Barclays Capital projects the number of foreclosed homes for sale will peak at 1.15 million in mid-2010, up from an estimated 688,000 as of July 1.

    Ouch.

    On top of that, Greg Weston looked at the underlying New York Fed data for Fitch's comment, and found another sobering factiod, namely that banks are not foreclosing. The reason most often given is that the bank doesn't want to write the mortgage down even further (we've heard it bandied about for loss severities is 60% and Weston had a chart that shows it is worse for subprime, at 70%with Alt-As not as bad at 50%), so 60% is a representative level) but another reason is that if the bank does not take possession, the taxes are still the owner's responsibility.

    Read the rest of the post

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    8/25/2009 10:31:00 AM 0 comments

    Friday, May 15, 2009

     

    'Sham' Bailouts Help Speculators

    by Dollars and Sense

    Naked Capitalism has a couple of nice posts about comments made by Michael Patterson, head of a private equity firm, to the Telegraph that reflect very poorly on TARP. Here is the story from the Telegraph (which has since been yanked from their site, apparently because Patterson objected to it; it is preserved at zerohedge.blogspot.com):
    US 'sham' bank bail-outs enrich speculators, says buy-out chief Mark Patterson

    The US Treasury's effort to stabilise the banking system through the TARP programme is a hopelessly ill-conceived policy that enriches speculators at public expense, according to the buy-out firm supposed to be pioneering the joint public-private bank rescues.

    "The taxpayers ought to know that we are in effect receiving a subsidy. They put in 40pc of the money but get little of the equity upside," said Mark Patterson, chairman of MatlinPatterson Advisers.

    The comments are likely to infuriate Tim Geithner, the US Treasury Secretary, because MatlinPatterson took advantage of the TARP's matching funds to buy Flagstar Bancorp in Michigan. His confession appears to validate concerns that the bail-out strategy is geared towards Wall Street.

    Under the convoluted deal agreed earlier this year, MatlinPatterson has come to own 80pc of the shares while the US government has ended up with under 10pc.

    Mr Patterson said the US Treasury is out of its depth and seems to be trying to put off drastic action by pretending that the banking system is still viable.

    "It's a sham. The banks are insolvent. The US government is trying to sedate the public because they are down to the last $100bn (£66bn) of the $700bn TARP funds. They think they're doing this for the greater good of society," he said, speaking at the Qatar Global Investment Forum.

    Mr Patterson said it would be better for the US to bite the bullet as Britain has done, accepting that crippled lenders must be nationalised. "At least the British are not hiding the bail-out," he said.

    MatlinPatterson said private equity and hedge funds were deluding themselves in hoping to go back to business as usual after the trauma of the last 18 months.

    "This is not a normal recession and there will be no V-shaped recovery. The crisis has destroyed leveraged companies. We're going to see a catastrophic increase in the number of LBO's (leveraged buyouts) going into default because they're knee-deep in debt and no solution exists since they can't refinance," he said.

    "Alfa hedge funds have been making their money by gambling with excessive leverage, so the knife that cuts off leverage is going to cut off their heads as well," he said.

    Like many bears, Mr Patterson expects the great crunch to end in deliberate inflation, deemed a lesser evil than outright depression.

    "The US government has thrown 29pc of GDP at this crisis compared to 8pc in the early 1930s. The Fed's balance sheet has risen from $900bn to $2.7 trillion to bail out the system. America has to do it because the only way out is to debase the currency, but that is going to lead to some very high inflation three years down the road," he said.

    Matlin Patterson, however, has missed the Spring rebound, the most powerful rise in equities in over 70 years. "We shorted the equity rally because we thought it was lunatic. We've kept adding positions seven times, and we're still holding," he said. Ouch!


    Here's what Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism had to say about the piece:
    The TARP elicited a firestorm of criticism at its inception, and at various points of its short existence, particularly the repeated injections into "too big to fail" Citigroup and Bank of America, plus the charade of Paulson forcing TARP funds onto banks who were eager to take them once the terms were revealed. Now, however, conventional wisdom on the program might be summarized as, "it's flawed, but still better than doing nothing."

    That of course is a false polarity. Having the TARP, particularly given the amount of funds committed, precluded quite a few other courses of action. And the TARP was part of a strategy to avoid resolving sick banks, when the history of banking crises shows that speedy action to clean up dud banks and restructure or write off bad debt (both of the bank and to the bank) is the fastest course to economic recovery.

    So far, the beneficiaries of the handouts equity injections have complained only about the Obama Adminstation's occasional efforts to act like a substantial shareholder and exercise some influence over the companies' affaris. We are the first to acknowledge that these too often have involved matters of appearance (executive pay) as opposed to substance (risk taking on the taxpayer dime for the benefit of shareholders and employees).

    But now we have a salvo from an unexpected source: an investor who used TARP funds to buy a bank, and thinks taxpayers are getting ripped off. Mark Patterson, of MartnPatterson Advisers, used TARP matching funds to buy a Michigan bank. This by no means was a large transaction, but the point is that someone that one would expect to praise the process (after all, he benefitted from its largesse) is a pointed critic.

    And this more recent post (from a larger project she has of showing how the business press airbrushes negative economic news):
    We posted last night on a Telegraph story, in which one Michael Patterson, head of a private equity firm that used TARP funds to buy a Michigan bank, said some less than positive things about it at an conference.

    If you go to the link to the story now, guess what? The Telegraph has yanked it.

    Tyler Durden had the presence of mind to put up the entire piece on his blog. Patterson has been issuing requests for retraction, claiming "factual errors" and the Telly complied. Patterson has had his "representatives" which I assume means attorneys, send a copy of the letter that Patterson sent to the Telegraph effectively disclaiming the entire content of the artice. . Durden has said he is willing to correct any factual errors (as opposed to deep sixing the entire story).

    Patterson spoke at the Qatar Investment Forum. He has no reason to expect confidentiality; the remarks were made in a public forum with no restrictions placed on the attendees. Durden is soliciting input from fellow panelists and attendees as to what Patterson really said.

    —cs

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    5/15/2009 02:50:00 PM 0 comments

    Wednesday, February 11, 2009

     

    Geithner Plan Smackdown Wrap

    by Dollars and Sense

    From Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism:

    I cannot recall a major US policy initiative being met with as much immediate revulsion as the so-called Geithner plan. Even the horrific TARP, which showed utter contempt for Congress and the American public was in some ways less troubling. Paulson demanded $700 billion, nearly $200 billion bigger than the Department of Defense, via a three page draft bill, nothing more that a doodle on a napkin, save that it did bother to put the Treasury secretary above the law. But high-handedness was the hallmark of the Bush Administration; it was only the scale and audacity of the TARP that was the stunner.

    And the TARP initially did have some supporters (perhaps most important, among the media, who trumpeted the "Something must be done" case). Fans are much harder to find for the latest iteration of the seemingly neverending "let's throw more money at the banks" saga.

    As we, and increasingly others, have said, the Obama economic team is every bit as captive to Wall Street's interests as the Bushies were. The differences increasingly look stylistic, not substantive.

    Treasury Secretary Geithner presented today what in essence was a plan to come up with a plan. I now understand why he is so loath to have government run banks. He presumably sees himself as an elite bureaucrat, as his glittering resume attests. Yet the man has a deadline to come up with a proposal, yet puts off presenting it twice (the "oh he has to work on the stimulus bill" is as close to "the dog ate my homework" as I have ever seen in adult life). What he served up as an initiative is weeks to months, depending on the item, away from being operational (if even then; the public-private asset purchase program will either not see the light of day, or be far narrower and smaller than what is needed).

    And in case you think I am being unfair, yesterday I got an e-mail from a political consultant who got a report on the Senate Banking Committee briefing by the Treasury the night before the announcement. No briefing books, no documents. He deemed it to be no plan. That assessment was confirmed today by a participant at the session, who said that the details were so thin that one staffer asked, "So what, exactly, is the plan?" and repeated questions from one persistent Senator got "absolutely no answers".

    Thus Geither's belief that government can't manage assets is sheer projection of his own inability to deliver. The FDIC winds up banks all the time. During the S&L crisis, as William Black reminds us, FSLIC appointed receivership managers that later research determined did reduce losses. Sweden, Norway, and Chile all nationalized (and relatively quickly reprivatized) dud banks during their financial crises. This isn't like trying to go the moon (which was a government initiative, lest we forget). There are plenty of models and lots of good proposals. What is lacking is will. History says that an aggressive, take-out-the-dead-banks program is the fastest and all-in cheapest way out of a financial crisis. But if you believe that something will not work, as Geithner does, it isn't at all hard to produce that outcome.

    Read the rest of the post.

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    2/11/2009 03:16:00 PM 0 comments

    Monday, January 26, 2009

     

    Banks That Got TARP $ Reduced Lending

    by Dollars and Sense

    From Yves Smith at naked capitalism; hat-tip to LP. I just realized that the name of the blog may be a reference to that famous quote from Warren Buffet about how you can't tell who's naked until the tide goes out (or however he phrased it). Is Yves suggesting that all the capitalists are naked? Or the whole system? No arguments here.

    Quelle Surprise! Big Banks Who Got TARP Funding Reduced Lending
    Monday, January 26, 2009

    Before we get to the particulars of tonight's Wall Street Journal story, we need to step back a second.

    Just like the war in Iraq, which had a ton of justifications served up by the Bush Administration, none of which added up (and the most obvious one, that the Bushies wanted to control the second biggest oil reserves on the planet, somehow never gets mentioned in polite company in the US), we've also had too many rationales offered for the TARP in its very short life.

    The one that has stuck with Congress and in the public's mind is that it was meant to get banks lending again. And the Journal tells us that measured against that benchmark, it hasn't worked.

    Like the war in Iraq, it's a given that the stated rationales for the TARP were not the real one. Cynics see it as a plutocratic transfer, son of the grossly inflated outsourcing contracts to Halliburton and friends in the Middle East, a last opportunistic looting of the Treasury (literally, in this case).

    But this may instead have been the a recycling of Paulson's bazooka notion. Remember when he asked for and secured authority to increase Fannie's and Freddie's credit lines with the Treasury and buy equity:

    If you've got a squirt gun in your pocket, you probably will have to take it out. If you have a bazooka in your pocket and people know it, you probably won't have to take it out.

    That, as we now know, proved to be patently untrue, as the markets called the Treasury Secretary's bluff. But Paulson is a very stubborn man and also seems to have remarkably few ideas (his initial plan for the TARP funding was a rejiggered version of his failed "rescue the SIVs" MLEC plan of the previous fall).

    Recall also that Paulson is a deal guy out of Goldman. Anyone who has been in the deal business knows that the verbal representations are meaningless, and what counts is what is in the contract, or in his Treasury role, in the legislation. And Congress approved a huge blank check.

    Thus I suspect the real rationale behind the TARP was that Paulson would have so much money at his disposal that he could credibly rescue the banking system, and in Bazooka version 2.0, he would not need to use it in a major way (although he would need to be perceived to have ready access to it, hence his protests over having only $350 billion for his immediate use). The existence of the funding capability would (presumably) restore confidence in the banks.

    That theory would be consistent with the shifting rationales and plans. Paulson saw this as emergency authority to be used as needed and figured with that much money, he could punch above his weight (recall that $700 billion seemed simply enormous back in October, we've now become inured). But anyone who was up on the work from Bridgewater Associates, or connected the dots from what bank analyst Meredith Whitney was saying, or took Nouriel Roubini seriously (to name just a few) would know that $700 billion wasn't sufficient to plug the leaks the banking system had ALREADY sprung.

    But that aside, why should we expect that the TARP would lead to more lending? First, there should be less lending, independent of the economic contraction. We know now that TONS of credit was extended to people who shouldn't have gotten it at all or should have been granted much less than they got. Those balances NEED to shrink, ideally by paying them down, although a fair bit will be via defaults and writedowns.

    Second, in case you somehow missed it, the economy stinks. Even among the solvent, far fewer businesses and consumers are keen to borrow than in "normal" times. Thus, as bankers know well, those who want more credit now are likely to have a higher level of adverse selection than you'd see most of the time.

    Now offsetting that to a fair degree is that a lot of businesses are dragging out payments, which puts financial stress on their vendors. They could really use more financing now, if you assume that the business itself is viable and the customers won't default on their obligations. But banks aren't set up to do that level of credit investigation. If you fit in the right box on their grid, great, otherwise, you are toast.

    That is a long-winded way of saying it's no surprise the banks aren't lending. If their assets were valued realistically, most doubtless need even more equity than the TARP provided. Shrinking their balance sheets is part of their effort to get their equity back to healthy levels (memo to regulators: why isn't there more in the way of formal regulatory forbearance right now? It's standard bank recession practice to let banks officially run with lower equity levels as they try to get themselves back on their feet. It's better to admit banks are undercapitalized and give them a temporary waiver than play blind with balance sheet games than undermine investor confidence).

    Read the rest of the post, which is a discussion of the WSJ piece she mentions at the top.

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    1/26/2009 02:39:00 PM 0 comments

    Monday, January 12, 2009

     

    Why So Little Self-Recrimination? (Yves Smith)

    by Dollars and Sense

    This is from Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism. It's a long post, worth quoting in full. She quotes from a post by Jeff Madrick (editor of Challenge) at The Daily Beast. I was asking myself the same question at the ASSA. Hat-tip to D&S collective member Ben Collins. —CS

    Why So Little Self-Recrimination Among Economists?

    Why is it that economics is a Teflon discipline, seemingly unable to admit or recognize its errors?

    Economic policies in the US and most advanced economies are to a significant degree devised by economists. They also serve as policy advocates, and are regularly quoted in the business and political media and contribute regularly to op-ed pages.

    We have just witnessed them make a massive failure in diagnosis. Despite the fact that there was rampant evidence of trouble on various fronts—a housing bubble in many countries (the Economist had a major story on it in June 2005 and as readers well know, prices rose at an accelerating pace), rising levels of consumer debt, stagnant average worker wages, lack of corporate investment, a gaping US trade deficit, insanely low spreads for risky credits – the authorities took the "everything is for the best in this best of all possible worlds" posture until the wheels started coming off. And even when they did, the vast majority were constitutionally unable to call its trajectory.

    Now of course, a lonely few did sound alarms. Nouriel Roubini and Robert Shiller both saw the danger of the housing/asset bubble; Jim Hamilton at the 2007 Jackson Hole conference said that the markets would test the implicit government guarantee of Fannie and Freddie; Henry Kaufman warned how consumer and companies were confusing access to credit (which could be cut off) with liquidity, and about how technology would amplify a financial crisis. Other names no doubt belong on this list, but the bigger point is that these warnings were often ignored.

    Shiller has offered a not-very-convincing defense, claiming that economists were subject to "groupthink" and no one wanted to stick his neck out. That seems peculiar given that many prominent policy influencers are tenured. They would seem to have greater freedom than people in any other field to speak their mind. And one would imagine that being early to identify new developments or structural shifts would enhance one's professional standing.

    But if a doctor repeatedly deemed patients to be healthy that were soon found to have Stage Four cancer that was at least six years in the making, the doctor would be a likely candidate for a malpractice suit. Yet we have heard nary a peep about the almost willful blindiness of economists to the crisis-in-its-making, with the result that their central role in policy development remains beyond question.

    Perhaps the conundrum results from the very fact that they are too close to the seat of power. Messengers that bear unpleasant news are generally not well received. And a government that wanted to engage in wishful, risky policies would want a document trail that said these moves were reasonable. "Whocouldanode" becomes a defense.

    But how economists may be compromised by their policy role is way beyond the scope of a post. To return to the matter at hand: there appears to be an extraordinary lack of introspection within the discipline despite having presided over a Katrina-like failure. Jeff Madrik tells us:
    At the annual meeting of American Economists, most everyone refused to admit their failures to prepare or warn about the second worst crisis of the century.

    I could find no shame in the halls of the San Francisco Hilton, the location at the annual meeting of American economists that just finished. Mainstream economists from major universities dominate the meetings, and some of them are the anointed cream of the crop, including former Clinton, Bush and even Reagan advisers.

    There was no session on the schedule about how the vast majority of economists should deal with their failure to anticipate or even seriously warn about the possibility that the second worst economic crisis of the last hundred years was imminent.

    I heard no calls to reform educational curricula because of a crisis so threatening and surprising that it undermines, at least if the academicians were honest, the key assumptions of the economic theory currently being taught.

    There were no sessions about why the profession was not up in arms about the deregulation of so sensitive a sector as finance. They are quick to oppose anything that undermines free trade, by contrast, and have had substantial influence doing just that.
    The sessions dedicated to what caused the crisis were filled, even those few sessions led by radical economists, who never saw turnouts for their events like the ones they just got. But no one was accepting any responsibility.

    I found no one fundamentally changing his or her mind about the value of economics, economists, or their own work. No one questioned their contribution to the current frightening state of affairs, no one humbled by events.

    Maybe I missed it all. There were hundreds of sessions. I asked others. They hadn’t heard any mea culpas, either.

    Madrik goes on in the balance of his piece to offer a list of things economists got wrong. Unfortunately, it's off the mark in that he contends that economists (in effect) had unified beliefs on a lot of fronts. It's a bit more accurate to say that there was a policy consensus, and anyone who deviated from the major elements had a bloody hard time getting a hearing (Dean Baker regularly points out that the New York Times and Washington Post still keep quoting economists who got the crisis wrong). The particulars on his list need some work too, but at least it's a start (reader comments and improvements on it would be very much appreciated).

    But Madrik does seem spot on about the lack of needed navel-gazing. I looked at the AEA schedule and did not see anything that questioned existing paradigms. And one paper that did was released recently, "The Crisis of 2008: Structural Lessons for and from Economics," fell so far short of asking tough questions that it proves Madrik's point. The analysis is shallow and profession serving. And that is not to say the author, Daron Acemoglu, is writing in bad faith, but to indicate how deeply inculcated economists are.

    For instance, one of the three (only three?) ways in which he says economists took too much comfort in the Great Moderation;
    The seeds of the crisis were sown in the Great Moderation... Everyone who patted themselves or others on the back during that time was really missing the point... The same interconnections that reduced the effects of small shocks created vulnerability to massive system-wide domino effects. No one saw this clearly.

    Huh? The problems with the Great Moderation were far more deeply rooted than this depiction suggests. Acemoglu's take is that the economy became more susceptible to shocks (that is, absent the bad luck of a shock, things could have continued merrily along). Thomas Palley argues, persuasively, that it was destined to come a cropper:
    The raised standing of central bankers rests on a phenomenon that economists have termed the “Great Moderation.” This phenomenon refers to the smoothing of the business cycle over the last two decades, during which expansions have become longer, recessions shorter, and inflation has fallen.

    Many economists attribute this smoothing to improved monetary policy by central banks, and hence the boom in central banker reputations. This explanation is popular with economists since it implicitly applauds the economics profession by attributing improved policy to advances in economics and increased influence of economists within central banks. For instance, the Fed’s Chairman is a former academic economist, as are many of the Fed’s board of governors and many Presidents of the regional Federal Reserve banks.

    That said, there are other less celebratory accounts of the Great Moderation that view it as a transitional phenomenon, and one that has also come at a high cost. One reason for the changed business cycle is retreat from policy commitment to full employment. The great Polish economist Michal Kalecki observed that full employment would likely cause inflation because job security would prompt workers to demand higher wages. That is what happened in the 1960s and 1970s. However, rather than solving this political problem, economic policy retreated from full employment and assisted in the evisceration of unions. That lowered inflation, but it came at the high cost of two decades of wage stagnation and a rupturing of the link between wage and productivity growth.

    Disinflation also lowered interest rates, particularly during downturns. This contributed to successive waves of mortgage refinancing and also reduced cash outflows on new mortgages. That improved household finances and supported consumer spending, thereby keeping recessions short and shallow.

    With regard to lengthened economic expansions, the great moderation has been driven by asset price inflation and financial innovation, which have financed consumer spending. Higher asset prices have provided collateral to borrow against, while financial innovation has increased the volume and ease of access to credit. Together, that created a dynamic in which rising asset prices have supported increased debt-financed spending, thereby making for longer expansions. This dynamic is exemplified by the housing bubble of the last eight years.

    The important implication is that the Great Moderation is the result of a retreat from full employment combined with the transitional factors of disinflation, asset price inflation, and increased consumer borrowing. Those factors now appear exhausted. Further disinflation will produce disruptive deflation.

    Palley wrote this in April 2008, although he had touched on some of these issues earlier. Did this view reach a wide audience? No. Understanding why might help us understand better why the economics profession went astray.

    Acemoglu's paper had a couple of other eye-popping items: Even though he gives lip service to the idea that the economics was unduly infused with ideas from Ayn Rand, he then backtracks:
    On the contrary, the recognition that markets live on foundations laid by institutions— that free markets are not the same as unregulated markets— enriches both theory and its practice.

    "Free markets" is Newspeak, and the sooner we collectively start to object to the use of that phrase, the better. Because it is imprecise and undefined, advocates can use it to mean different things in different contexts. I cannot take any economist seriously who uses "free markets" in anything more rigorous than a newspaper column (and even there it would annoy me). It has NO place in an academic paper (save perhaps on the evolution of the concept).

    We also have this:

    A deep and important contribution of the discipline of economics is the insight that greed is neither good nor bad in the abstract.

    This reveals that Acemoglu has been corrupted by Rand more than he seems willing to recognize. No one would have dared write anything like that even as recently as ten years ago. Let us consider the definition of greed, from Merriam Webster:
    a selfish and excessive desire for more of something (as money) than is needed

    Greed is different than, say, ambition. "Greed is good" was famously attributed to criminal Ivan Boesky, and later film felon Gordon Gekko.

    Put more bluntly, greed is the id without restraint. Psychiatrists, social workers, policemen, and parents all know that unchecked, conscienceless desire is not a good thing. Acemoglu calls for external checks ("the right incentive and reward structures"), when the record of the last 20 years is that a neutral to positive view of greed allows for ambitious actors to increasingly bend the rules and amass power. The benefits are concentrated, and the costs often sufficiently diffuse as to provide for insufficient incentives (or even means) for checking such behavior. Like it or not, there is a role for social values, as nineteenth century that may sound. The costs of providing a sufficiently elaborate superstructure of rules and restrictions is far more costly than having a solid baseline of social norms. But our collective standards have fallen so far I am not sure we can reach a better equilibrium there.

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    1/12/2009 10:05:00 AM 0 comments

    Wednesday, November 26, 2008

     

    Why Should We be Surprised? (Yves Smith)

    by Dollars and Sense

    We noticed the article in today's NY Times that the GAO will be releasing the first audit of the TARP program. Here is what Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism has to say about it:

    The New York Times reports that the General Accounting Office is readying to issue a report that will criticize how Treasury has handled its spending under the $700 billion TARP program. The main shortcomings are failure to track how the money is actually being used and inadequate controls to prevent conflicts of interest.

    Gee, I thought of those supposed failings as features rather than bugs.
    Here's what the Times had to say:

    The first operational audit of the $700 billion financial rescue plan, to be delivered to Congress next Tuesday, is expected to be critical of the Treasury Department’s failure to set up ways to track how its bailout money is being used in the marketplace, according to people briefed on a draft of the report.

    The audit, done by the Government Accountability Office, is also likely to call for tighter controls over the conflicts of interest that are arising as financial specialists, institutions and law firms are hired for Treasury work that could later aid their private-sector clients, said these people, who would speak only on condition of anonymity because the briefings were confidential.

    But the overall assessment was “a mixed bag,” as one person put it. It was clear, he said, that the auditors took into account how quickly the program was carried out, how much its focus shifted over time and how little feedback Treasury has had from oversight agencies so far.
    Read the rest of the article.

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    11/26/2008 04:08:00 PM 0 comments

    Saturday, November 22, 2008

     

    Not Looking Good for Citi

    by Dollars and Sense

    Even amidst yesterday's stock market rally, Citigroup's shares fell; it lost more than half its value in four days. Here is what today's New York Times has to say:
    With the sharp stock-market decline for Citigroup rapidly becoming a full-blown crisis of confidence, the company's executives on Friday entered into talks with federal officials about how to stabilize the struggling financial giant.

    In a series of tense meetings and telephone calls, the executives and officials weighed several options, including whether to replace Citigroup's chief executive, Vikram S. Pandit, or sell all or part of the company.

    Other options discussed included a public endorsement from the government or a new financial lifeline, people involved in the talks said.

    The course of action, however, remained uncertain on Friday night, these people said, and other options may yet emerge. But after a year of gaping losses and an accelerating decline in share price, Citigroup, which has $2 trillion in assets and operations in scores of countries, is running out of time, analysts said.

    After a board meeting early Friday morning, Citigroup's management and some board members held several calls with Henry M. Paulson Jr., the Treasury secretary, and with the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Timothy F. Geithner, who later emerged as President-elect Barack Obama's choice to be Treasury secretary.

    As Citigroup's stock sank during the day, falling 68 cents to close at $3.87, the Federal Reserve was carefully monitoring how much money corporations and other customers were withdrawing from the bank, people involved in the discussions said.

    The Fed was trying to ascertain whether the tumult in the stock market could escalate into something worse.

    So far, these people said, most customers and clients remained committed to Citigroup.
    Read the rest of the article.

    The fact that there is no run on Citi, though, indicates that there needn't be a government bailout, as Yves Smith has pointed out on Naked Capitalism:
    The market shrugged off the prospect of a Citigroup meltdown and focused instead on the leak that Timothy Geithner was Obama's pick for Treasury Secretary. Citi fell another 20%, its shares dropping below $4. Have banking catastrophes become so routine that it is now assumed that the officialdom will clean up the broken china and put the bill in the post? I recall when Citi nearly failed in the early 1990s (the big culprit then was junior loans on a lot of commercial development in Texas that wound up being see-throughs) and it was white-knuckle time.

    However, there is a big difference between this and other financial firm meltdown episodes. Despite the near vertical descent of the stock, there appears to be no run on the bank. And if there is no run on the bank, or flight of counterparties, there is no need for a rescue.
    Read the rest of the post.

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    11/22/2008 10:51:00 AM 2 comments

    Thursday, November 13, 2008

     

    The High Priests of the Bubble Economy

    by Dollars and Sense

    Dean Baker via Yves Smith of Naked Capitalism; hat-tip to Ben Collins.

    Dean Baker goes full bore after two deserving targets, Bob Rubin and Larry Summers, at TPM Cafe. Key excerpts:
    Along with former Federal Reserve Board chairman Alan Greenspan, Rubin and Summers compose the high priesthood of the bubble economy. Their policy of one-sided financial deregulation is responsible for the current economic catastrophe.

    It is important to separate Clinton-era mythology from the real economic record. In the mythology, Clinton's decision to raise taxes and cut spending led to an investment boom. This boom led to a surge in productivity growth. Soaring productivity growth led to the low unemployment of the late 1990s and wage gains for workers at all points along the wage distribution.

    At the end of the administration, there was a huge surplus, and we set target dates for paying off the national debt. The moral of the myth is that all good things came from deficit reduction.

    The reality was quite different. There was nothing resembling an investment boom until the dot-com bubble at the end of the decade funnelled vast sums of capital into crazy internet schemes. There was a surge in productivity growth beginning in 1995, but this preceded any substantial upturn in investment. Clinton had the good fortune to be sitting in the White House at the point where the economy finally enjoyed the long-predicted dividend from the information technology revolution.

    Rather than investment driving growth during the Clinton boom, the main source of demand growth was consumption...

    The other key part of the story is the high dollar policy initiated by Rubin when he took over as Treasury secretary...

    A lowered dollar value will reduce the trade deficit, by making US exports cheaper to foreigners and imports more expensive for people living in the US. The falling dollar and lower trade deficit is supposed to be one of the main dividends of deficit reduction. In fact, the lower dollar and lower trade deficit were often touted by economists as the primary benefit of deficit reduction until they decided to change their story to fit the Clinton mythology.

    The high dollar of the late 1990s reversed this logic. The dollar was pushed upward by a combination of Treasury cheerleading, worldwide financial instability beginning with the East Asian financial crisis and the irrational exuberance propelling the stock bubble, which also infected foreign investors.

    In the short-run, the over-valued dollar led to cheap imports and lower inflation. It incidentally all also led to the loss of millions of manufacturing jobs, putting downward pressure on the wages of non-college educated workers.

    Like the stock bubble, the high dollar is also unsustainable as a long-run policy. It led to a large and growing trade deficit. This deficit eventually forced a decline in the value of the dollar, although the process has been temporarily reversed by the current financial crisis.

    Rather than handing George Bush a booming economy, Clinton handed over an economy that was propelled by an unsustainable stock bubble and distorted by a hugely over-valued dollar...

    While the Bush administration must take responsibility for the current crisis (they have been in power the last eight years), the stage was set during the Clinton years. The Clinton team set the economy on the path of one-sided financial deregulation and bubble driven growth that brought us where we are today. (The deregulation was one-sided, because they did not take away the "too big to fail" security blanket of the Wall Street big boys.)

    For this reason, it was very discouraging to see top Clinton administration officials standing centre stage at Obama's meeting on the economy. This is not change, and certainly not policies that we can believe in.


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    11/13/2008 12:26:00 PM 0 comments

    Tuesday, October 28, 2008

     

    Letters of Credit and Trade Finance Freeze

    by Dollars and Sense

    From Naked Capitalism, another excellent, sobering post. Gives you an idea of the increasingly all-embracing extent of the crisis:


    Confirmation of the Role of Financing Difficulties in Collapsing Trade Volumes


    One of our pet themes in recent weeks is that the fall in trade traffic, indicated and possibly overstated by a dramatic fall in the Baltic Dry Index, is due at least in part to difficulties in arranging and getting other banks to accept buyers' letters of credit.


    For those new to this topic, international trade depends to a large degree on letters of credit. While they can help finance shipments, an even more fundamental role is that they assure the shipper that he will be paid for the cargo sent. Without banks using letters of credit as the means to send payment to exporters, parties that are new to each other or conduct business with each other infrequently could never trade with each other (one type, a documentary letter of credit, requires that forms, often a very long and elaborate set of them, verifying that the goods have been inspected and certified, that customs, have been cleared and all relevant charges and duties paid, be presented and vetted before payment is released).


    Some readers scoffed at the idea that a fundamental element of trade could be breaking down and yet attract more notice; a few argued that the L/Cs were being used as an excuse for buyers to break commodities deals struck when prices were higher.


    However, as has been discussed in gruesome detail, banks are reluctant to take credit exposures to other banks on the most plain vanilla. short term exposures, namely interbank lending. It has been a struggle for central banks to get banks to lend to each other for longer than overnight. Trade financing is a backwater, operationally intensive, low profit area that simply does not register on senior managements' or regulators' radars. And problems in this area would have virtually no impact on banks, so even acute problems here would simply not register, particularly in comparison to all the other fires that central banks are struggling to smother.


    Read the rest of the post

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    10/28/2008 08:47:00 AM 1 comments

    Wednesday, October 22, 2008

     

    NOT a Slow News Day

    by Dollars and Sense

    This posting is from D&S collective member and frequent blogger Larry Peterson. To see more of his posts, click here.


    Assuming we're all becoming inured to the idea that greater-than-five-percent losses on US and global stock markets are becoming an everyday occurrence, a couple of things happened today that simply demand our attention if we're going to maintain a handle on this crisis. First, Wachovia. Wachovia announced today that it lost $24 BILLION--that's billion--in a single quarter. This is simply staggering. Added to the second quarter, the company has lost the equivalent of the GDP of Guatemala, as Reuters noted today. And Wells Fargo and Citibank were fighting over it....


    Back to the point, though, that announcement was merely the beginning of a slew of poor third-quarter earnings reports that came out today. These indicate weakness spread broadly across the economy, which has reinforced the fears of recession that have been dragging down stocks despite improvements in money and commercial-paper markets, which have been force-fed staggering amounts of money by the Federal Reserve.


    But the problems don't end there. Regarding the improvements in interbank and commercial-paper markets, Yves Smith, in a post that should be required reading, indicates that the market for credit-default insurance continues to deteriorate, and there is reason to believe that it will do so at an accelerating pace. Seeing that this market, in tandem with the other two troubled ones, has been at the center of the unprecedented freeze-up in credit since the fall of Lehman Brothers, problems here could well reverse what improvement we've seen in the other markets (not to mention having further adverse effects on equity markets, etc.). And if that happens, the game is up, at least until the the free-marketeers at the Treasury and so on decide to socialize more--a lot more--bailout costs.


    And there's more, much more, afoot on this score, as well. Emerging market currencies are posting huge losses (some have been forced back into the arms of the IMF), even in places like Brazil, which had been considered strong enough to withstand the crisis (in another fantastic post, Smith points us towards the plight of Brazilian and other emerging-market exporters, who hedged their local-currency exposure with currency derivatives, only to see their supposed hedge turn into a problem of vastly larger proportions; and, on this score, Brad Setser's Tuesday post--"The End of Bretton Woods 2"--is also absolutely essential reading) only weeks, or even days ago. And that brings me to my final point.

    A conference has slated for the 15th of November in Washington, in which the so-called G-20 (which, unlike most similar international groupings, includes important developing countries) group of major economies are to discuss the international aspects of the crisis. Many will probably consider the proceedings a joke, presided over as it will be by one of the most unpopular US governments ever, and one set to leave office within two months. But I wonder: it seems virtually certain that Bush will go down as the worst president in US history unless he can pull some rabbit out of the hat in his mercifully few weeks left. The administration has, after all, been making major overtures to North Korea (taking it off the list of sponsors of terrorism--making Cuba, by implication, more of a threat to the US than North Korea). Now, especially with this administration, will can by no means be confused with ability or competence. Still, I can see a faint possibility of a major initiative being taken at the conference, especially if events (like a reverse spike in interbank rates, or a currency crash in a major emerging market) intervene; in fact, the conference (not to mention the US elections) may turn out too late to prevent something of this sort from happening. And, it's hard to see how any initiative could even be taken up by Congress before it recesses and is replaced by the next (almost certainly overwhelmingly Democratic) Congress in January. But any initiatives will probably center on somehow extending to the developing world some means to attain dollar support which they are lacking now (and which prevents them from flooding their markets with a cash defense, as the developing countries have been able to do).

    So we've been through quite a day. Be ready for tomorrow.


    A quick note: barring a "major event" I'm not planning to blog for a few days: I hope to post a longer piece on the D&S website (not the blog!) early next week on the historic events of the last few weeks.

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    10/22/2008 07:16:00 PM 0 comments

    Monday, October 13, 2008

     

    Monday's Developments

    by Dollars and Sense

    This posting is from D&S collective member and frequent blogger Larry Peterson. To see more of his posts, click here.

    Here's the skivvy on the government interventions that triggered huge stock rallies (as for US stocks, Dow up some 750 points, S&P nearly back at 1,000, with about 15 minutes left in the trading day) worldwide (with the notable exception of Japan), from Reuters. But notice especially the following:

    That had an instant impact on bank-to-bank lending rates, which eased, but there was still no clear evidence of funds cascading from banks to companies.
    Global bank rescue aims to halt crisis
    Mon Oct 13, 2008 1:43pm EDT
    By Daniel Trotta

    NEW YORK (Reuters) - The world bet solidly on recapitalizing ailing banks as the fastest way out of the financial crisis in a clear new direction on Monday that reinvigorated stock markets after their worst week in history.

    Led by the Britain, European governments agreed to multibillion-dollar guarantees for the banking system in moves that may become a crucial test of investor faith in government's ability to reverse the downward spiral.

    Stocks were up 7 percent in midday trading after the Dow tumbled 18 percent last week amid a climate of panic and uncertainty as credit markets seized up and major economies headed toward recession. European stocks closed 10 percent higher.

    "Sometime last week it seemed like we faced Armageddon, so to have a coordinated plan on stabilizing banks is huge progress," said Jack Ablin, chief investment officer at Harris Private Bank in Chicago.

    Wall Street also focused on investment bank Morgan Stanley, which reached a financing deal with Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group Inc (MUFG), possibly with U.S. government support. Morgan shares soared 73 percent, after losing 58 percent lost last week.

    In addition, the U.S. Federal Reserve, the European Central Bank, the Bank of England and the Swiss National Bank said they would lend commercial banks as much U.S. dollar liquidity they needed.

    That had an instant impact on bank-to-bank lending rates, which eased, but there was still no clear evidence of funds cascading from banks to companies.

    U.S. bond markets were closed for the Columbus Day holiday. The euro and sterling gained strength on the European plans, and oil rose more than $3 to $81 a barrel.

    The Treasury and Federal Reserve were working to finalize details of their own plan to recapitalize banks and stabilize financial markets in the wake of the measures announced in Europe.

    For weeks the United States concentrated on a $700 billion rescue plan that emphasized buying up distressed debt from financial institutions, with Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson at first resisting U.S. government ownership of banks.

    British Prime Minister Gordon Brown has shifted the world's attention to the other side the balance sheet by proposing to inject new capital into banks to get them lending again.

    The United States has since moved closer to the positions of European leaders, who were in Washington over weekend for meetings of the Group of Seven major economies, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.

    BROWN PROFILE RISES

    Brown has yet to win a mandate from British voters but his global profile has risen amid the crisis. He also called on world leaders to create a new "financial architecture" to update the current international economic system, which was set up at a conference in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, in 1944.

    "Sometimes it does take a crisis for people to agree that what is obvious and should have been done years ago can no longer be postponed.," Brown said in a speech at the London offices of Thomson Reuters.

    Britain's bank plan called for 37 billion pounds ($64 billion) of taxpayers' cash to bail out three major banks in a move that would likely make the government their main shareholder.

    Germany, France, Italy and other European governments also announced rescue packages totaling hundreds of billions of dollars that were designed to combat the banking crisis, the worst since the Great Depression.

    Britain's bank plan called for 37 billion pounds ($64 billion) of taxpayers' cash to bail out three major banks in a move that would likely make the government their main shareholder.

    Germany, France, Italy and other European governments also announced rescue packages totaling hundreds of billions of dollars that were designed to combat the banking crisis, the worst since the Great Depression.

    Iceland--forced over the past week to take over three big banks, shut down its stock market and abandon attempts to defend its currency--officially requested financing from the International Monetary Fund, an IMF official said.

    The developments also calmed Princeton University economist Paul Krugman, who was named as the winner of the Nobel prize in economics on Monday.

    "I'm slightly less terrified today than I was on Friday," Krugman said. "We're going to have a recession and perhaps a prolonged one but perhaps not a collapse."

    Japan said on Monday it was considering whether to guarantee all bank deposits, while the central bank said it might join further global efforts to boost dollar funding to strained money markets.

    The two men vying to succeed U.S. President George W. Bush after the November 4 election were formulating their own plans.

    Democrat Barack Obama, leading in public opinion polls, proposed a 90-day moratorium on home foreclosures and other measures aimed at creating jobs.

    Republican John McCain was also considering rolling out a new economic package.

    (Reporting by Reuters bureaus around the world; Additional writing by Eddie Evans; Editing by Gary Hill)

    I'll close by citing two blog posts that pick some holes in the new arrangements. From Yves Smith's excellent Naked Capitalism:
    The reader/investor who sent the link to this Bloomberg story provided the comments below. No, he does not resort to capital letters casually:

    THIS IS HARD TO BELIEVE. THOSE CB'S DON'T HAVE UNLIMITED $'S,

    SO IF TRUE, THEY WILL BE BORROWING THEM FROM THE FED VIA AN EXTENSION OF FED SWAP LINES,

    THE FOMC HAS APPROVED LINES OF $620 BILLION AS LAST REPORTED

    THIS IS FUNCTIONALLY UNSECURED LENDING TO THESE CB'S.

    REPAYMENT CAN ONLY COME FROM SELLING THEIR OWN CURRENCIES FOR THE NEEDED $'S

    (OR BY SOMEHOW NET EXPORTING TO THE US OR SELLING ASSETS TO THE US WHICH ARE HARD TO IMAGINE)

    SOMEHOW THIS HIGH RISK, UNSECURED, 'BACK DOOR' LENDING HAS REMAINED UNDER ALL RADAR SCREENS.

    AND, IF TRUE, WE WILL SOON SEE THE TOTAL $US FUNDING NEED IN THE EUROZONE.

    And this, from the fine Across the Curve:
    In the previous posting I noted that the German government rescue plan which includes guarantees and capital injections totalled 470 billion euros.

    I hope that someone can point out a flaw in my logic but that would equate to about $2.7 trillion if one compares the relative GDP size of the US and Germany. In dollars the 470 billion Euros is $635 billion. The US GDP is about 4.3 times that of the German GDP. Do the simple extension of 4.3 times $635 billion and you get something in the neighborhood of $2.7 trillion.

    There are no words to describe that sum. I dare say that it would be impossible to raise that sum in timely fashion without a total disruption of capital market flows.

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    10/13/2008 02:25:00 PM 0 comments

    Sunday, September 21, 2008

     

    Ownership Society We Can (Are Forced To) Believe In

    by Dollars and Sense

    This posting is from D&S collective member and frequent blogger Larry Peterson. To see more of his posts, click here.

    Well, the "plan," such as it is, is finally on the table. A three-page document outlines the Treasury Department proposal, hints of which set markets worldwide skyrocketing late Thursday and into Friday, to buy as much of the questionable (to put it politely) assets held by private banks, investment companies and insurers as is necessary (up to $700 billion, anyway; after that, Treasury will have to go to Congress for a top-up) to get banks--spooked by the pile-up of potentially toxic assets into hoarding cash with an abandon not seen since the days of the London Blitz--to each other again. Indeed, talk now is that foreign banks will be invited to sell their dud loans to the American taxpayer as well. Next week the plan will go to Congress, where legislators must amend and approve it by the end of the week, as well as expanding the budget deficit ceiling to account for all the new government borrowing. Otherwise they (many of whom face re-election) will go home to their constituencies with nothing to show for their efforts. Lobbyists are swarming all over the Washington trying to influence the outcome (with campaign cash that will no doubt be even more enticing to lawmakers in the waning days of their campaigns than it ordinarily is).

    The basic plan is three-fold (only the first of which is directly addressed in the proposal): first, as mentioned above, it gives Treasury (in the person of the Secretary) unprecedented powers to purchase mortgage-related assets, and also the funding to do so, up to $700 billion. The second part involves short-selling: this practice (in which shares in companies that are expected to underperform are borrowed, sold into the market before they fall in value, and then bought back on the market after any price fall, with proceeds kept by the short-seller before s/he returns the shares borrowed), which has been used by many big investors, like hedge-funds, to capitalize on the difficulties of the financial firms that we've seen threatened--or even disappear--over the last few months, has been effectively banned. Finally, money market funds (previously considered safe as cash, though without a guarantee, and which were coming under pressure last week, seeing large redemptions) will be guaranteed along the lines of bank accounts, with deposit guarantees.

    As the Financial Times notes, these measures will complement historic supports already put in place to expand the activities of the mortgage-lenders Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, as well as to keep the insurer AIG solvent.

    So what we have here is the following: the US taxpayer will buy dodgy loans that private firms wouldn't be caught dead buying, from firms which have been hoarding cash in the fear that they'll (as they should be, in many cases) be on the hook for the losses. This, it is hoped, should have the effect of freeing up that cash, which the firms should make available to potential borrowers, rather than hoarding. This should cause demand for good assets to rise, increasing their prices to such an extent that even loans associated with the duds may come to be seen as bargains, especially if, with the passage of time, many are found to be, in fact, untainted. This will allow the mortgage market to recover, along with it a newly invigorated--and, presumably, highly re-regulated--financial sector and this will ensure recovery for the US economy, even in the face of the job losses, prolonged weakness in demand, and far higher debt the program will invariably cause.

    What are we to make of this plan? The biggest flaw to my mind concerns the attempt to re-start the mortgage market. This market is still, in many ways, overvalued, and any attempt to create a floor for it seems fundamentally misguided. This is all the more so when one considers that potential consumers will be offered neither the indiscriminate loan availability nor super-low, indeed nonexistent initial interest rates (partially as a consequence of all the government borrowing that's going into the bailout) that enabled much of the home price appreciation that so madly overshot the bounds of sustainability between 2004 and 2006, and still remains in that territory; and the fact that wages are expected to be stagnant (at best, given the persistently rising levels of unemployment), in the face of rising or continued-elevated general consumer price levels, and the delivery of less benefits and social services as public coffers are depleted by bailouts and the implementation of automatic stabilizers to deal with economic downturn, makes the suggestion even more unrealistic. In addition to this (as if anything else were needed), the administration has been far less active in coming up with measures that will help present mortgage-holders hold on to their homes in the face of a major economic downturn. So relief on this front cannot be expected for several months, during which time many more homes may be thrown back on the market, depressing prices. And these developments will increase the already heightened fears that US commercial and regional banks will fail, due to nonpayment of credit card and other debt, assuming all the mortgage debt is absorbed by the government.

    And we still don't know the extent of the mortgage-related losses; not by a long shot. If they keep piling up, especially assuming the measures to create a floor for mortgage debt don't work, the cost to the taxpayer, already struggling with higher unemployment, and even to corporations, which are seeing their unrealistic profit levels of the bubble years come back to earth, will become even more of a burden, which, in true American fashion, may be foisted on foreign lenders. But many of these countries are following the beleaguered US consumer by retrenching as global growth slows, so their willingness to absorb this debt can no longer be taken for granted. And any pullback in this regard could re-ignite the inflation we've all so effectively forgotten about.

    The second objection I have concerns the short-selling ban. I'm not exactly sympathetic with short sellers on a class basis, needless to say, and resent mightily the privileges regarding leverage, taxes and so on which they've amassed through the years. But, as Anatoly Kaletsky has written, the attack on short sellers has been in this case totally misdirected, and has ended up hurting potential longer term investors as well as leading to the crisis has resulted in the burden being foisted on all the rest of us. In addition, the fact that many of those who have complained so vocally about short-sellers in the last few weeks have made quite a bit of money in fees serving as prime brokers to them gives us yet another example of how surreal this crisis (and our economy) has become.

    One last word before summing up: in one of his characteristically incisive and timely posts, Yves Smith cites the following, highly disturbing contribution from one of her readers:

    I worked at [Wall Street firm you've heard of], but now I handle financial services for [a Congressman], and I was on the conference call that Paulson, Bernanke and the House Democratic Leadership held for all the members yesterday afternoon. It's supposed to be members only, but there's no way to enforce that if it's a conference call, and you may have already heard from other staff who were listening in.

    Anyway, I wanted to let you know that, behind closed doors, Paulson describes the plan differently. He explicitly says that it will buy assets at above market prices (although he still claims that they are undervalued) because the holders won't sell at market prices. Anna Eshoo pressed him on how the government can compel the holders to sell, and he basically dodged the question. I think that's because he didn't want to admit that the government would just keep offering more and more.

    In summary, then, it's been an extraordinary week: in the history of finance, it'll have to go down as a kind of "fall of the Berlin Wall" affair. A financial regimen that enjoyed unparalleled sway over much of the earth for a generation has been destroyed by its own contradictions and the abuses it built into itself. Unlike the fall of the Wall, however, there is no liberation to celebrate, and we certainly cannot be confident in the political situation to the extent that we can assume that, even in the long run, something better will come out of the situation.

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    9/21/2008 12:26:00 PM 1 comments