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    Sunday, January 31, 2010

     

    'New Haiti'; Same Corporate Interests

    by Dollars and Sense

    Terrific article by Isabel MacDonald, at the Nation.

    By Isabel MacDonald | January 29, 2010

    In the wake of the earthquake that has killed more than 100,000 people in Haiti, the foreign ministers of several countries calling themselves the "Friends of Haiti" met on Monday in Montreal to discuss plans for "building a new Haiti." Participants in the Ministerial Preparatory Conference on Haiti, who included Secretary of State Hillary Clinton; representatives of international financial institutions including the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund; and Haitian Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive came to what Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon, the conference chair, referred to as a "road map towards Haiti's reconstruction and development."

    However, the Latin American countries of ALBA--the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas--who held a counter-conference, and several grassroots Haiti solidarity organizations, who organized protests outside the conference, expressed skepticism that the "Friends of Haiti" and the international financial institutions would work to further the interests of ordinary Haitians.

    One of the groups protesting the conference, Haiti Action Montreal, issued a statement warning that "There is a danger that these major powers will try to exploit the earthquake to further narrow pro-corporate ends, if reconstruction of New Orleans after Katrina and in Asia following the tsunami are any indication."

    As Naomi Klein has observed, this process is already underway. The Heritage Foundation think tank's initial response to the earthquake clearly followed the pattern she documented in her book The Shock Doctrine, by which neoliberal reformers seek to impose an agenda of privatization in times of crisis. It was less than twenty-four hours after Haiti was hit by an earthquake of 7.0 magnitude that the Heritage Foundation issued a release recommending that "In addition to providing immediate humanitarian assistance, the U.S. response to the tragic earthquake in Haiti earthquake offers opportunities to re-shape Haiti's long-dysfunctional government and economy as well as to improve the public image of the United States in the region."

    That sentiment was echoed by James Dobbins, former special envoy to Haiti under President Bill Clinton and director of the International Security and Defense Policy Center at the RAND Corporation, who stated in a recent op-ed in the New York Times, "This disaster is an opportunity to accelerate oft-delayed reforms," including "breaking up or at least reorganizing the government-controlled telephone monopoly" and restructuring the ports, which also represent two of Haiti's few remaining state enterprises.

    The World Bank also observed an upside to the catastrophe in Haiti; in a January 18 blog post titled "Haiti earthquake: Out of great disasters comes great opportunity," a World Bank disaster management analyst recently stated that "there is a silver lining to this great tragedy. Looking back in history, great natural disasters are often a catalyst for huge, positive change." Even calls for the expansion of Haiti's sweatshop industry are being made in the media.

    Read the rest of the article.

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    1/31/2010 12:42:00 PM 0 comments

    Friday, January 29, 2010

     

    4Q GDP Up 5.7%, Wages/Benes At Record Low

    by Dollars and Sense

    Brad DeLong thinks that the GDP reading suggests that next week's productivity numbers will be around 7%, adding yet another astonishing number to that series. This is not good news for employment; it suggests that workers can continue to be squeezed, notwithstanding all the sweat and tears of the last year.

    On the GDP numbers, here's Calculated Risk:

    Any analysis of the Q4 GDP report has to start with the change in private inventories. This change contributed a majority of the increase in GDP, and annualized Q4 GDP growth would have been 2.3% without the transitory increase from inventory changes.

    Unfortunately - although expected - the two leading sectors, residential investment (RI) and personal consumption expenditures (PCE), both slowed in Q4.

    PCE slowed from 2.8% annualized growth in Q3 to 2.0% in Q4.

    RI slowed from 18.9% in Q3 to just 5.7% in Q4.

    Note: for more on leading and lagging sectors, see Business Cycle: Temporal Order and Q1 GDP Report: The Good News.

    It is not a surprise that both key leading sectors are struggling. The personal saving rate increased slightly to 4.6% in Q4, and I expect the saving rate to increase over the next year or two to around 8% - as households repair their balance sheets - and that will be a constant drag on PCE.

    And there is no reason to expect a sustained increase in RI until the excess housing inventory is absorbed. In fact, based on recent reports of housing starts and new home sales, there is a good chance that residential investment will be a slight drag on GDP in Q1 2010.

    Read the rest of the post


    The Wages/benefits story is from the Wall Street Journal
    JANUARY 29, 2010, 4:16 P.M. ET

    Wage and Benefit Growth Hits Historic Low

    Staff Reporter of The Wall Street Journal

    Wage and benefit costs, both before and after adjusting for inflation, grew more slowly in 2009 than in any year since the U.S. government began tracking data in 1982, as double-digit unemployment weakened workers' ability to command higher pay.

    In the past 12 months, the cost of wages and benefits received by workers other than those employed by the federal government rose 1.5%, according to the Labor Department's employment cost index. In the same period, consumer prices rose 2.7%.

    Adjusted for inflation, wages and benefits fell 1.3%, after rising by 2.8% in 2008, the first year of the recession. The inflation-adjusted cost of wages and benefits at the end of 2009 stood just 1.1% higher than at the end of the previous recession in 2001, the Labor Department said.

    The Employment Cost Index measures the cost of labor independent of the influence of changes in compensation caused when high-wage sectors grow more or less rapidly than low-wage sectors. Unlike widely cited data on wages, the index includes the cost of benefits, which account for about 30% of total compensation costs.

    Before adjusting for inflation, the index rose 0.5% in the fourth quarter, slightly higher than the 0.4% increase in third quarter. "The weak labor market will help keep inflationary pressures benign," said economist Anika Khan of Wells Fargo Securities. "As such, the Federal Reserve continues to have the flexibility to keep short-term interest rates at the current level."

    State and local government workers' compensation in 2009 grew 2.4%, twice the pace of the 1.2% increases in the private sector. State and local government employees' compensation has outpaced private-sector increases for the past several years.

    Private employers' health-insurance costs rose 4.4% in 2009, after increasing 3.5% the year before. The 2009 increase, though, was the second-lowest rate of increase in more than a decade, according to the survey. The Labor Department noted that this reflects, in part, employers' reducing their contributions to employees' health insurance or switching to lower-cost health plans. It added that the data in this part of its quarterly survey weren't as reliable as the rest of the report.

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    1/29/2010 06:55:00 PM 0 comments

     

    Root Canals, Rhetoric, or Real Reform?

    by Dollars and Sense

    This is from Bankster; hat-tip to comrade Steve S. of United for a Fair Economy. We are glad someone else noticed BHO's root-canal metaphor; it reminded us of the guiding metaphor Arthur MacEwan used in this Ask Dr. Dollar column from our Nov/Dec 2008 issue. Steve pointed us to Simon Johnson's metaphor of Bernanke as an airline pilot who pulls off a miraculous landing, but didn't (and won't) do his safety checks. Perfect.

    This Week in Banking: Root Canals, Rhetoric or Real Reform?

    Submitted by Mary Bottari on January 29, 2010 - 08:54

    The debate over banks and banking came front and center this week. In his toughest language yet, President Barack Obama vowed to veto financial reform legislation that is not tough enough on Wall Street. "The lobbyists are already trying to kill it," Obama told Congress in his State of the Union address. "Well, we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back."

    The President's rhetoric offers an important measure of progress. Now we can be assured that the political elite are paying attention to the poll numbers showing an unprecedented anger at the big banks and the Wall Street bailouts. Democrats are starting to figure out if they don't take up this populist message and run with it in November, the Republicans will.

    But the rest of the President's speech and the other dramatic developments in the banking world this week indicate that Democratic actions are falling far short of their rhetoric, a pattern that voters are sure to notice.

    First, the speech. Many had anticipated a big announcement on jobs. With jobless rates in the double digits and a projected 5-10 year haul to get employment back to normal levels, workers were hoping for something big and bold. Instead, Obama proposed $30 billion in TARP funds to get credit flowing to small businesses. $30 billion to put 16 million Americans back to work? $30 billion when the Wall Street bonus pool for a few thousand bankers was $140 billion this month? Democrats will live to regret this missed opportunity.

    Also on Wednesday, U.S. Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner was called on the carpet once again by irate members of the House for his mishandling of the AIG bailout. To their credit, several Democrats asked the toughest questions. But Geithner bobbed and weaved and no knock-out punches were landed. This is a problem for the Democrats. The whole incident paints an ugly picture of the federal response to the financial meltdown, best described by Representative Edolphus Towns (D-NY): "The taxpayers were propping up the hollow shell of AIG by stuffing it with money and the rest of Wall Street came by and looted the corpse."

    On Thursday, Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke was reconfirmed by the Senate for another four year term. His nomination had been in trouble and a record number of senators voted no, but Obama stood by his man and pushed him through. The problem with Bernanke is best summarized by economist Simon Johnson: "Bernanke is an airline pilot who pulled off a miraculous landing, but didn't do his preflight checks and doesn't show any sign of being more careful in the future – thank him if you want, but why would you fly with him again (or the airline that keeps him on)?" While Bernanke may have saved Wall Street, he has shown little interest in using his power as Fed Chairman to aggressively aid Main Street. He is not the man for the job in these tough economic times and that will soon be apparent to the detriment of the Democrats who secured his confirmation.

    Ultimately, however, the most important developments of the week were played out behind closed doors in the Senate. Senate Banking Chairman, Chris Dodd, made the decision some time ago to try to devise a bipartisan financial reform package. His package of reforms was then handed over to four bipartisan working groups. With thousands of bank lobbyists swarming the hill, it is no surprise that these groups are busily making the Dodd bill worse.

    The derivatives language is being weakened and bankruptcy is emerging as the preferred method of unwinding financial institutions, which could leave taxpayers to foot the bill for this expensive procedure. To truly end the "too big to fail" problem and crack down on the reckless behavior of the biggest banks, we need strong, specific preventative measures such as leverage limits, capital and margin requirements, limits on counterparty exposures, a ban on proprietary trading and limits on bank size through a low cap on total liabilities. Even Obama's signature reform, an independent consumer agency is in danger of being whittled down to a corner desk in a failed federal agency.

    The President understands that the Wall Street bailout was "about as popular as a root canal." But if Democrats continue to peddle this type of rhetoric while neglecting meaningful reform as they have done this week, the Republicans will run away with the anti-bailout message and with the election in November.

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    1/29/2010 04:49:00 PM 0 comments

     

    Labor Needs a New Survival Plan (Steve Early)

    by Dollars and Sense

    From today's Boston Globe, by frequent D&S contributor Steve Early:

    REPUBLICAN SCOTT Brown's Senate victory last week deprived President Obama and the Democrats of their filibuster-proof super-majority in the Senate and made Obama's health care plan a high-profile casualty. There was also collateral damage for already-frustrated union backers of the president. The White House staffers and congressional leaders who've been assuring them that labor law reform was next on Obama's agenda now can't prevent a filibuster of the Employee Free Choice Act.

    The act was designed to boost aid worker organizing and bargaining in the private sector, where union membership dropped 10 percent last year, the largest decline in 25 years. But employee free choice set off a firestorm of business opposition, long before Obama backed the legislation as a candidate last year.

    Corporate America does not want to risk heavier penalties for committing unfair labor practices, like firing union supporters. And management is particularly incensed about the bill's "card check" provision. It would trigger collective bargaining wherever a majority of workers signed cards demonstrating their support for unionization.

    During the health care reform process, some industry groups ended up allying themselves with the administration, in return for lucrative concessions. Even prior to last week's election, an informal Capitol Hill committee was cooking up a compromise on labor law reform to appease wavering Democrats.

    In this "EFCA-lite" version of the bill, employer recognition based on card check would remain voluntary. But the National Labor Relations Board—now one of the slowest moving federal agencies—would be directed to hold expedited elections, thereby reducing opportunities for unlawful tactics designed to thwart union representation.

    This watering-down of proposed workers' rights protections and Obama's now fatal delay in bringing the Employee Free Choice Act to a vote late last year follows a familiar historical pattern. A version of the same thing happened under Jimmy Carter and then, in worse fashion, with Bill Clinton.

    In 1977-'78, President Carter first pressured unions to go along with weaker amendments to the National Labor Relations Board than they originally wanted. Then, after being weakened itself during a Senate battle over the Panama Canal treaty, the White House failed to expend any remaining political capital on marshaling what was then a much larger pro-labor majority to overcome a GOP filibuster.

    Fifteen years later, Bill Clinton didn't even introduce NLRA changes. Instead, he placated labor by appointing a presidential commission to study the topic. The panel frittered away the only two years during Clinton's presidency when Democrats controlled Congress. Its reform proposals were dead on arrival by 1994, after voters swept the GOP back into power in midterm elections.

    Last June, top union leaders met with Obama and were told that health care legislation would come first and then the Free Choice Act. Since then, the administration has repeatedly dangled the carrot of labor law reform whenever labor made common cause with other critics of "ObamaCare." Unions were even pressured to accept things like a future tax on negotiated medical coverage because defeat of the president's plan would be a victory for the Republicans and, thus, the death-knell of the Act.

    Now, in a true case of déjà vu all over again, Americans are seeing the latest opportunity to strengthen their workplace rights, as promised by the Democrats, simply vanish. In the president's State of the Union address Wednesday, the state of unions—and employee free choice—wasn't even mentioned.

    In the wake of this latest rebuff, labor activists must return to the drawing board and quickly develop a fall-back strategy—for defending and extending collective bargaining—that doesn't hinge on amending federal law. It won't be easy.

    Steve Early, a labor journalist and lawyer, is author of "Embedded With Organized Labor."

    Read the original op-ed (though I actually don't recommend visiting the Boston Globe website—it has grotesquely intrusive pop-up ads, including one I just had to cope with, for Mass. gubernatorial candidate Charlie Baker).

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    1/29/2010 02:57:00 PM 0 comments

    Thursday, January 28, 2010

     

    Tony Blair To Face Iraq Inquiry Tomorrow

    by Dollars and Sense

    Former British PM Tony Blair is set to face a House of Commons inquiry tomorrow concerning the legality of the war in Iraq. The Chilcot committee has already heard from the likes of Lord Goldsmith, the attorney general at the time, who famously "changed his mind" on the war's legality in a manner that would make St. Paul (of Damascene conversion fame) proud, this week. But Blair goes up tomorrow, so he's sure to steal the show.

    Needless to say, this raises questions for us on this side of the pond. Why is there no similar interest in Congress by way of examining senior members of the Bush administration on the war's legality? True, we have a different legal system here, and, in the UK, the Labour party, which contains an active anti-war rump, has been in power for years, whereas the Republicans ruled with a mighty pro-war majority (in both parties) for years, but, where the UN charter is concerned, the war was clearly illegal under any system.

    It also disconcerting that the press coverage of this event (yes, the committee is toothless) has been so inadequate, even in the UK: The Financial Times has not had a story about the proceedings all week.

    Anyway, here are links to some articles on the committee. First, on Blair's appearance tomorrow, from The Guardian; second, "The Case against Blair" from the New Statesman; and third, George Monbiot is offering a reward to capture the fugitive!

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    1/28/2010 06:09:00 PM 1 comments

     

    Scurrilous Videos Besmirch Davos Forum

    by Dollars and Sense

    From the hilarious Yes Men. Coincidence: the last time I saw Howard Zinn was at a screening of their film The Yes Men Change the World. He was a fan.

    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

    January 28, 2010

    Scurrilous Videos Besmirch, Enrage Forum, Leaders, World
    Videos threaten very existence of WEF


    * Close examination of fake website reveals outrageous, elaborate subterfuge
    * Videos may be viewed here or downloaded
    * Lefty filmmakers mainly to blame
    * Contacts: scurrilous@theyesmen.org, 310-780-4008

    In a series of diabolically stupid video manipulations, a cabal of anti-poverty filmmakers have performed an elaborate slander of the World Economic Forum, showing its "leading lights" taking a dramatic departure from the litany of meaningless pledges they usually make at the annual gathering in the Swiss resort town.

    In response, WEF spokesperson Adrian Monck could barely contain himself. "The only defense to satire is common sense!" he sputtered, before racing back into the WEF war room to deal with the burgeoning crisis.

    Fortunately for the WEF, few media outlets picked up on the WEF's fantastic but fictional approach to world poverty ("World Leaders Pledge Strategy to End Poverty Now"). Instead, the media was dominated by coverage of a real WEF press release warning of "Over Regulation of the Financial Sector" (sic).

    The forged videos showed eight of "leading lights of Davos" outlining a few clear strategies to end poverty.

    The CEO of Archer Daniels Midland, the world's largest agribusiness conglomerate, spoke of "agriculture's role in today's economic savagery, and the broader long-term issues of robbing whole groups for the greed of the food industry," before calling for "universal justice and agriculture's reform" via Food Sovereignty. "We want to undo the injuries of global capitalism," added a much-improved "Klaus Schwab," founder and executive chairman of the World Economic Forum.

    "The source of our financial treasure was violence towards the colonies of the global South," admitted "Queen Elizabeth II" most refreshingly, before pledging to sell her lands and use the proceeds to improve the lot of the world's poor. "We have caused this disaster," added "Prince Harry" with a stalwart giggle. "Nobody wants a catastrophe," Canadian Prime Minister "Stephen Harper" chimed in most helpfully.

    "Haiti was a house of cards that we built through a history of exploitative economic policies," said a tired-looking "Bill Clinton." Now we have a chance to rebuild a more independent society by ending exploitation, forgiving their debt and bringing back real sustainability."

    The perpetrators included a prominent film director, several Hollywood voice actors, at least one disaffected member of the World Economic Forum itself, and thirty-four of the Yes Men.

    "Yes, these are real talking heads," explained Robert Diaz Leroy, a Hollywood film producer who was one of those behind the action. Another co-conspirator, film director Philippe Diaz, went into greater detail.

    "We did this out of frustration with the fact that each year in Davos, the wealthy and powerful figure out ways the global economy can continue to benefit them," said Diaz, who directed The End of Poverty?, which opens this Friday in New York. "Even this year, they're still talking about economic growth and de-regulation as the solution to poverty. That's especially obscene in light of this year's economic crisis, which resulted from those exact policies and has disproportionately affected the poor."

    Despite the WEF's annual posturing, neoliberal policies have proven to be a massive failure for the vast majority of the poor, said Diaz. "When a disaster strikes a poor country like Haiti, our culpability becomes graphically clear."

    Diaz explained that growth has by and large benefited only the wealthiest fraction of the population. "Our economic system depends on the resources of the global South that we have plundered since 1492. Only the tools have changed: nowadays we rarely use guns or armies, we mainly use economic instruments. But the damage is just as real." (See the fake press release for some real statistics to that effect.)

    "What you won't hear in Davos is anything about the structural factors at the root of global poverty," said Beth Portello, who produced The End of Poverty?. "Poverty is created: it's the byproduct of centuries of exploitation of human and natural resources maintained into modern times by unfair trade, tax and land policies, and odious debt."

    "Unlike the lip-service solutions from Davos, the proposals on our fake WEF site would actually end poverty," said Diaz. "We're going to do everything we can to make them happen. The film is just the beginning."

    "Poverty isn't an accident, and it won't end by accident, either," added Portello.

    In a dramatic bit of irony, it was revealed that the fake Queen Elizabeth II was played by boy actor James O'Keefe, who was recently arrested for feloniously attempting to tamper with the phone line of U.S. Senator Mary Landrieu, not long after being honored by House Republicans for his "ACORN pimp" role last year.

    "Oh that queen," said Andy Bichlbaum of the Yes Men. "Who knows what trouble she'll get into next."

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    1/28/2010 04:15:00 PM 0 comments

     

    Howard Zinn

    by Dollars and Sense

    It is a sad day. As you have probably heard, left historian Howard Zinn, author of A People's History of the United States, died yesterday of a heart attack. He will be sorely missed.

    We just celebrated our 35th anniversary year. Back in 2004, in our 30th anniversary issue, we asked prominent leftists to "describe their vision of a more economically just world 30 years hence, and to outline what they consider the most important steps to take today to move toward that vision." Here's what Howard Zinn contributed to the resulting Visions of Economic Justice:
    Where the United States has declared an end to military intervention, has eliminated its intelligence agencies, has dismantled its overseas military bases, has reduced its armed forces to a small peace-keeping contingent ready to heed the call of the U.N. General Assembly for emergencies, and where the resultant saving of half a trillion dollars is then added to another half trillion dollars that comes from a wealth tax and a truly progressive income tax, the trillion dollars then to be used in the following ways:

    • To establish a program of Health Security, with free medical care and prescription drugs for every person, citizen or not, with the government footing the bill.

    • To guarantee public employment (on environmental projects, arts projects, etc.) to people unable to get work in the private sector at a fair wage.

    • To guarantee free education up through the university level.

    • To guarantee decent housing—through rent subsidies or low-interest home loans—for any family not able to afford market prices for good housing.

    How to achieve this? Organize a new national movement around this agenda, which will then engage in a variety of nonviolent tactics: strikes, boycotts, demonstrations, marches, occupations, to insist that this program be enacted. —Howard Zinn

    Here are two other items—a video of Zinn talking about his experience as a bombardier in WWII, and an obituary by left sports writer Dave Zirin, from the Nation website.


    Howard Zinn: The Historian Who Made History

    By Dave Zirin

    Howard Zinn, my hero, teacher, and friend died of a heart attack on Wednesday at the age of 87. With his death, we lose a man who did nothing less than rewrite the narrative of the United States. We lose a historian who also made history.

    Anyone who believes that the United States is immune to radical politics never attended a lecture by Howard Zinn. The rooms would be packed to the rafters, as entire families, black, white and brown, would arrive to hear their own history made humorous as well as heroic. "What matters is not who's sitting in the White House. What matters is who's sitting in!" he would say with a mischievous grin. After this casual suggestion of civil disobedience, the crowd would burst into laughter and applause.

    Only Howard could pull that off because he was entirely authentic. When he spoke against poverty it was from the perspective of someone who had to work in the shipyards during the Great Depression. When he spoke against war, it was from the perspective of someone who flew as a bombardier during World War II, and was forever changed by the experience. When he spoke against racism it was from the perspective of someone who taught at Spelman College during the civil rights movement and was arrested sitting in with his students.

    And of course, when he spoke about history, it was from the perspective of having written A People's History of the United States, a book that has sold more than two million copies and changed the lives of countless people. Count me among them. When I was 17 and picked up a dog-eared copy of Zinn's book, I thought history was about learning that the Magna Carta was signed in 1215. I couldn't tell you what the Magna Carta was, but I knew it was signed in 1215. Howard took this history of great men in powdered wigs and turned it on its pompous head.

    In Howard's book, the central actors were the runaway slaves, the labor radicals, the masses and the misfits. It was history writ by Robin Hood, speaking to a desire so many share: to actually make history instead of being history's victim. His book came alive in December with the debut of The People Speak on the History Channel as actors, musicians, and poets, brought Zinn's book alive.

    Howard was asked once whether his praise of dissent and protest was divisive. He answered beautifully: "Yes, dissent and protest are divisive, but in a good way, because they represent accurately the real divisions in society. Those divisions exist - the rich, the poor - whether there is dissent or not, but when there is no dissent, there is no change. The dissent has the possibility not of ending the division in society, but of changing the reality of the division. Changing the balance of power on behalf of the poor and the oppressed."

    Words like this made Howard my hero. I never thought we would also become friends. But through our mutual cohort, Anthony Arnove, Howard read my sports writing and then gave his blessing to a book project we called A People's History of Sports in the United States.

    We also did a series of meetings together where I would interview Howard on stage. Even at 87, he still had his sharp wit, strong voice, and matinee-idol white hair. But his body had become frail. Despite this physical weakness, Howard would stay and sign hundreds of books until his hand would shake with the effort.

    At our event in Madison, Wisconsin, Howard issued a challenge to the audience. He said, "Our job as citizens is to honestly assess what Obama is doing. Not measured just against Bush, because against Bush, everybody looks good. But look honestly at what Obama's doing and act as engaged and vigorous citizens."

    He also had no fear to express his political convictions loudly and proudly. I asked him about the prospects today for radical politics and he said,
    "Let's talk about socialism. ... I think it's very important to bring back the idea of socialism into the national discussion to where it was at the turn of the [last] century before the Soviet Union gave it a bad name. Socialism had a good name in this country. Socialism had Eugene Debs. It had Clarence Darrow. It had Mother Jones. It had Emma Goldman. It had several million people reading socialist newspapers around the country… Socialism basically said, hey, let's have a kinder, gentler society. Let's share things. Let's have an economic system that produces things not because they're profitable for some corporation, but produces things that people need. People should not be retreating from the word socialism because you have to go beyond capitalism."

    Howard Zinn taught millions of us a simple lesson: Agitate. Agitate. Agitate. But never lose your sense of humor in the process. It's a beautiful legacy and however much it hurts to lose him, we should strive to build on Howard's work and go out and make some history.

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    1/28/2010 01:22:00 PM 0 comments

    Wednesday, January 27, 2010

     

    AIG and the Hindered Haircut

    by Dollars and Sense

    Timothy Geithner, Ben Bernanke, and Henry Paulson (remember him?) are being grilled today on Capitol Hill as part of investigations of the AIG bailout by the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, headed by Edolphus Towns. (I thought we'd done a post a while back that included a good quote from Towns--something about bankers and corruption. But all I could find was this post, with a quote from Towns about BoA's awesome pecans. But I like how he is dogging the bankers and their government backers.)

    Here's the NYTimes's latest article on the hearings.

    For background on the AIG bailout, please see the article by Marty Wolfson in our Sept/Oct issue, The AIG Bailout Revisited.

    There's also a really good article in the Financial Times called The Hindered Haircut; hat-tip to erstwhile D&S megablogger Larry P. (we still get the occasional post, but not like the old days, alas...). The authors ask: why haircuts for Security Capital Insurance counterparties, but not for AIG counterparties? Could it be that AIG's main counterparty was Goldman Sachs?
    Finance: The hindered haircut

    By Henny Sender, Gillian Tett and Francesco Guerrera | January 26 2010 22:49

    It was mid-2008 and a little-noticed wrangle was taking place that will be of particular interest to the US congressional committee that is on Wednesday due to grill Tim Geithner, US Treasury secretary, over the rescue two months later of AIG, America's biggest insurer.

    On one side of the earlier negotiations stood a group of banks that included Merrill Lynch of the US and France's Société Générale. On the other: Security Capital Assurance (SCA), a Bermuda-based bond insurer that had run into difficulties as the US subprime mortgage market imploded. At stake was how much money the banks should receive on insurance contracts that SCA provided for complex pools of mortgage securities known as collateralised debt obligations, or CDOs.

    Among other reasons, the banks had bought the insurance—called credit default swaps, or CDSs—to protect themselves against a panic just like the one sweeping the markets at that time. But SCA lacked sufficient capital to pay the claims in full and the banks feared that if the insurer went under, they would receive nothing.

    Something had to give. After heated talks, Merrill agreed that July to cancel its CDS contracts for a pay-out of 14 cents on the dollar—a severe "haircut", in market parlance. The other banks also reduced their original claims. At the conclusion of talks that dragged on until May 2009, not a single lender was paid in full.

    That is potentially awkward for Mr Geithner, who before joining the administration of President Barack Obama was president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, the most important regional component of the US central banking system. What Congress, and perhaps historians, will have to decide is: did the government, through collusion or mistakes, take billions of dollars from the taxpayers' purse and put them into the coffers of some of the world's largest banks without forcing them to accept much lower payments? Why, in other words, did the counterparties of AIG wind up with so better a deal than those of SCA did—some of which were the same banks?

    His inquisitors on the House of Representatives oversight committee will want to take him back to the apocalyptic month when the world's financial system came close to meltdown. September 2008 brought not only the collapse of Lehman Brothers on Wall Street but a flurry of rescues that included staving off bankruptcy at AIG. It is the terms of the AIG bail-out that members of the congressional committee will want to examine, amid growing concern that not only might the taxpayer have been made to foot a higher bill than necessary but that details of a deal done in secret are to be kept under wraps for a decade.

    The hearing comes as Mr Obama, after a fraught first year, prepares to deliver his first State of the Union address to a joint session of Congress tonight. It follows a week when not only did the Democrats lose their Senate super-majority, making it more difficult to pass legislation, but Mr Geithner's own position appeared to grow less secure. It was not to him but to Paul Volcker, a former Federal Reserve Board chairman, that the president turned for a blueprint on how to curb future banking industry excesses.

    Crucial, therefore, will be the Treasury secretary's account of the most turbulent few days during his time at the stern stone edifice between Liberty Street and Maiden Lane, from which the New York Fed keeps watch over the financial district of downtown Manhattan.

    "By not granting the transparency they are basically conspiring to not inform either Congress or the public so that they could, in fact, go about their business in secrecy and the public would not be wise until 2018 when these counterparties are due to become public," says Darrell Issa, a Republican representative who has pushed Congress to investigate the AIG payments. The question is whether the efforts amounted "to nothing less than a backdoor bail-out of AIG's creditors, including Goldman Sachs, Merrill Lynch, Société Générale and Deutsche Bank".

    Mr Geithner's supporters say he was part of a team that responded pragmatically to prevent the collapse of the global financial system. But criticism of payments made to AIG—seen variously as a deliberate attempt to funnel public money to creaking banks or a negligent failure to safeguard the public interest—has been fuelled by e-mails showing New York Fed officials attempting to keep details of the transaction from the public.

    It emerged this week that the New York Fed is under investigation by Neil Barofsky, the inspector-general overseeing the administration's Troubled Asset Relief Programme, over its disclosure of documents relating to the bail-out of AIG and its counterparties. Mr Barofsky is deciding whether it failed to disclose information about the episode to the Securities and Exchange Commission and his own office.

    The issue is emblematic of the controversies that have followed the unprecedented federal response to a crisis in which complex financial products that were nearly impossible to value threatened to drag down the world's biggest banks—and with them the global economy.

    Like SCA, AIG had provided credit insurance on CDOs that were falling in value and it, too, found itself facing a group of banks looking for compensation. Under agreements with its counterparties, AIG had to post collateral as the value of the CDOs it insured fell. AIG had pledged some $35bn but was still struggling.

    As was the case with SCA, something had to give—only this time around, neither the banks nor the insurer would end up doing the giving. Instead, the New York Fed arrived bearing an early Christmas present for the banks. Fearing that the collateral calls on the CDSs were quickly sapping the $85bn (€60bn, £53bn) it had agreed to lend AIG to nurse it through the crisis, Mr Geithner's operation opened secret negotiations with the banks and agreed to buy underlying CDOs with a face value of $62bn from them.

    Read the rest of the article (it's long-ish, but worth it for the basic background info).

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    1/27/2010 02:06:00 PM 0 comments

    Tuesday, January 26, 2010

     

    Our Wars Are Killing Us (Tom Engelhardt)

    by Dollars and Sense

    The latest from TomDispatch is about military spending--quite timely given the spending freeze--except "security-related" spending--that B.O. will announce tonight. Here is Tom's intro to the piece:

    From TomDispatch this afternoon, a piece that couldn't be more timely given today's news that the president will announce a freeze on domestic, but not national security, spending; an exploration of why, when Americans are so angry and impatient about bailouts and easy rides, they continue to give the Pentagon such a blank check -- Tom Engelhardt, Pentagon Time, Tick... Tick... Tick.

    As the media have been telling us lately, as the Senate upset in Massachusetts indicated, Americans are on a short fuse about many subjects, including an economy that has rebounded for bankers but not for regular people, soaring deficits, staggering foreclosure rates, mega-banking bonuses, the Obama administration's bailout of those same bankers, and its coziness with Wall Street. But, as I write in my latest post, "It's worth noting that they're not angry about everything... The good citizens of Massachusetts may be against free rides and bailouts for many types, but not for everybody. I'm speaking, of course, about the Pentagon, for which Congress has just passed a record new budget of $708 billion (with an Afghan war-fighting supplemental request of $33 billion, essentially a bail-out payment, still pending but sure to pass). This happened without real debate, much public notice, or even a touch of anger in Washington or Massachusetts."

    The fact is: The tea-party crews don't rail against Pentagon giveaways, nor do Massachusetts voters grumble about them, nor, for that matter, do liberal economists who write columns on the woes of our country. Because of that and because the mainstream media in its coverage pays so little attention to the Pentagon's planning time horizons and planned expenses, the rest of this post explores "Pentagon time" -- that is, the Pentagon's free ride. It offers a series of examples of the kind of long-range planning the U.S. military is doing in Afghanistan (and elsewhere) without much regard to Washington or American debates on the war, its expense or timing.

    I conclude that, when it comes to American politics and the economy, the U.S. military is our church, “national security” our Bible, and nothing done in the name of either can be wrong. "Until the Pentagon is forced into our financial universe, the angry, impatient one where most Americans now live, we're in trouble... It's time for Americans to stop saluting and end the Pentagon's free ride before America's wars kill us."

    This piece offers news about the Pentagon hard to find in normal press coverage. Check it out.

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    1/26/2010 04:11:00 PM 1 comments

     

    Obama's Freeze: Barack Herbert Hoover Obama? (Brad DeLong)

    by Dollars and Sense

    As reported on the front page of today's Times, Obama is now proposing a freeze on government spending, except "security-related" budgets (aka the military, homeland security, etc.).

    It's not quite clear to me what exactly the freeze amounts to. On his blog, Brad DeLong posted these updates to his post (which I'll quote from shortly) arguing that this is a very bad idea in a stalled recovery:
    UPDATE II: It seems that it is not a freeze in non-security discretionary outlays, but rather an overall cap on non-security discretionary--which is a diffrent animal. And it seems that it is not an overall cap on non-security discretionary outlays, but instead an overall cap on non-security discretionary authority--which is a different animal. And it seems that it is not a binding cap on overall non-security discretionary: that ARRA extensions and other job-boosting deficit-spending measures, plus other "emergencies", are exempt...

    UPDATE An administration source says that he believes that discretionary non-security is not frozen at 2010 ex-stimulus levels for 2011, but is instead bumped up from 2010 to 2011--that the freeze part applies to fiscal 2012, 2013, and 2014.

    So we might have to wait until the dust settles to see exactly what this freeze would amount to. But the fact that Obama is even talking about it is disturbing. Here's what DeLong has to say:
    Barack Herbert Hoover Obama?

    For some time I have been worried about fifty little Herbert Hoovers at the state level. Right now it looks like I have to worry about one big one:
    Obama to Propose Freeze on Some Spending to Trim Deficit
    President Obama will call for a three-year freeze in spending on many domestic programs, and for increases no greater than inflation after that, an initiative intended to signal his seriousness about cutting the budget deficit, administration officials said Monday.

    The officials said the proposal would be a major component both of Mr. Obama's State of the Union address on Wednesday and of the budget he will send to Congress on Monday for the fiscal year that begins in October.

    The freeze would cover the agencies and programs for which Congress allocates specific budgets each year, from air traffic control and farm subsidies to education, nutrition and national parks. ut it would exempt the budgets for the Pentagon.... The estimated $250 billion in savings over 10 years would be less than 3 percent of the roughly $9 trillion in additional debt the government is expected to accumulate over that time...

    There are two ways to look at this. The first is that this is simply another game of Dingbat Kabuki. Non-security discretionary spending is some $500 billion a year. It ought to be growing at 5% per year in nominal terms (more because we are in a deep recession and should be pulling discretionary spending forward from the future as fast as we can)--that's only $25 billion a year in a $3 trillion budget and a $15 trillion economy.

    But in a country as big as this one even this is large stakes. What we are talking about is $25 billion of fiscal drag in 2011, $50 billion in 2012, and $75 billion in 2013. By 2013 things will hopefully be better enough that the Federal Reserve will be raising interest rates and will be able to offset the damage to employment and output. But in 2011 GDP will be lower by $35 billion--employment lower by 350,000 or so--and in 2012 GDP will be lower by $70 billion--employment lower by 700,000 or so--than it would have been had non-defense discretionary grown at its normal rate. (And if you think, as I do, that the federal government really ought to be filling state budget deficit gaps over the next two years to the tune of $200 billion per year...)

    And what do we get for these larger output gaps and higher unemployment rates in 2011 and 2012? Obama "signal[s] his seriousness about cutting the budget deficit," Jackie Calmes reports.

    As one deficit-hawk journalist of my acquaintance says this evening, this is a perfect example of fundamental unseriousness: rather than make proposals that will actually tackle the long-term deficit--either through future tax increases triggered by excessive deficits or through future entitlement spending caps triggered by excessive deficits--come up with a proposal that does short-term harm to the economy without tackling the deficit in any serious and significant way.

    As Jackie Calmes writes, this isn't a real plan to control the deficit but a "symbolic" one:
    [O]ne administration official said that limiting the much smaller discretionary domestic budget would have larger symbolic value. That spending includes lawmakers' earmarks for parochial projects, and only when the public believes such perceived waste is being wrung out will they be willing to consider reductions in popular entitlement programs, the official said. "By helping to create a new atmosphere of fiscal discipline, it can actually also feed into debates over other components of the budget," the official said, briefing reporters on the condition of anonymity.
    As another deficit-hawk points out: it would be one thing to offer a short-term discretionary spending freeze (or long-run entitlement caps) in return for fifteen Republican senators signing on to revenue enhancement triggers. It's quite another to negotiate against yourself and in addition attack employment in the short term. The fact that the unemployment rate is projected to remain stable over the next year means that there is a 30% chance it will go down, a 40% chance it will stay about the same, and a 30% chance that it will go up--and whatever it turns out to do, the administration's budget has just given it an extra bump upwards.


    Read the Times article.

    Read DeLong's post.

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    1/26/2010 02:10:00 PM 0 comments

    Monday, January 25, 2010

     

    Underwater, But Will They Leave the Pool?

    by Dollars and Sense

    Some remarkable honesty about the class (although of course without using that term) dynamics of capitalism showed up in Saturday’s NY Times, in a piece by Richard Thaler about mortgage defaults:

    Much has been said about the high rate of home foreclosures, but the most interesting question may be this: Why is the mortgage default rate so low?

    After all, millions of American homeowners are “underwater,” meaning that they owe more on their mortgages than their homes are worth. In Nevada, nearly two-thirds of homeowners are in this category. Yet most of them are dutifully continuing to pay their mortgages, despite substantial financial incentives for walking away from them.

    A family that financed the entire purchase of a $600,000 home in 2006 could now find itself still owing most of that mortgage, even though the home is now worth only $300,000. The family could rent a similar home for much less than its monthly mortgage payment, saving thousands of dollars a year and hundreds of thousands over a decade.

    Some homeowners may keep paying because they think it’s immoral to default. This view has been reinforced by government officials like former Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson Jr., who while in office said that anyone who walked away from a mortgage would be “simply a speculator—and one who is not honoring his obligation.” (The irony of a former investment banker denouncing speculation seems to have been lost on him.)

    But does this really come down to a question of morality?

    A provocative paper by Brent White, a law professor at the University of Arizona, makes the case that borrowers are actually suffering from a “norm asymmetry.” In other words, they think they are obligated to repay their loans even if it is not in their financial interest to do so, while their lenders are free to do whatever maximizes profits. It’s as if borrowers are playing in a poker game in which they are the only ones who think bluffing is unethical.
    Read the rest here.

    An interesting detail from the piece is that in a number of states mortgages are “nonrecourse” by law, meaning the lender is entitled to the house but nothing else in case a borrower defaults. So borrowers in those states basically have the right to walk away, a right for which they pay an estimated $800 extra in closing costs per $100,000 borrowed.

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    1/25/2010 12:41:00 PM 0 comments

    Friday, January 22, 2010

     

    Questions for Bernanke (Simon Johnson)

    by Dollars and Sense

    There is somewhat suddenly some opposition to Ben Bernanke's reconfirmation as Fed chair, as reported at the New York Times, Roll Call, and elsewhere, with Barbara Boxer, Russ Feingold, and Bernie Sanders coming out against reconfirmation. On the economics blogs there's some turmoil regarding Bernanke, too, with Calculated Risk saying "we can do better," Brad DeLong saying "Don't Block Ben!" and Paul Krugman saying he's torn.

    One comment I liked was from Yves Smith at Naked Capitalism, who took issue with the Times article's references to "populist anger" (Krugman, in his blog, also connected Bernanke's changing fortunes with the Mass. special election):
    The real issue is that the Fed did a horrid job in the run-up to the crisis (although not Chairman at the time, Fed records show that Bernanke was a major architect of the super-low interest rates earlier in this decade that super-charged the credit bubbles, and has long been manifestly uninterested in regulation). So the issue is competence. The public's anger is warranted, and reflects lack of sufficient action on real, festering problems.

    Here's an interesting piece by Simon Johnson at HuffPo:
    Ben Bernanke's reconfirmation as chair of the Federal Reserve is in disarray. With President Obama having launched, on Thursday morning, a major new initiative to rein in the power of—and danger posed by—our leading banks, key Senators rightly begin to wonder: Where does Ben Bernanke stand on the central issue of the day?

    There are three specific questions that Bernanke must answer, in some convincing detail, if he is to shore up his weakening cause in the Senate.

    1. Does he support the President's proposed emphasis on limiting the scope and scale of big banks?
    2. With regard to the key detail, is it his view that the size of big banks can be capped "as is" or—more reasonably—should we require these banks to contract or divest so as to return to the profile of system risk that prevailed say 15 or 20 years ago?
    3. If Congress cannot act in the short-term, because of opposition from Republicans and some Democrats, does he see the Fed's role as taking the initiative in this arena—or will he wait passively for the legislature to act?

    As running hard against the "too big to fail" banks is now a major theme of 2010 and beyond for the Democrats, how can any Democratic Senators feel comfortable voting for Ben Bernanke unless they know exactly what his position is on all of these points?

    And given what we know about Bernanke's record and positions relative to these questions, absent new information it is not a surprise to see his support dwindling.

    I can't remember whether I posted this piece by David Leonhardt from earlier this month, which counts against Ben, as does the article we ran back in July by Jerry Friedman, Bernanke's Bad Teachers. It will be interesting to see what happens.

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    1/22/2010 02:37:00 PM 0 comments

    Thursday, January 21, 2010

     

    SCOTUS Guts Campaign Spending Limits

    by Dollars and Sense

    Just noticed this on the New York Times website. Jeesh.

    Justices Overturn Key Campaign Limits

    By ADAM LIPTAK
    Published: January 21, 2010

    WASHINGTON—Sweeping aside a century-old understanding and overruling two important precedents, a bitterly divided Supreme Court on Thursday ruled that the government may not ban political spending by corporations in candidate elections.

    The ruling was a vindication, the majority said, of the First Amendment's most basic free speech principle—that the government has no business regulating political speech. The dissenters said allowing corporate money to flood the political marketplace will corrupt democracy.

    The 5-to-4 decision was a doctrinal earthquake but also a political and practical one. Specialists in campaign finance law said they expected the decision, which also applies to labor unions and other organizations, to reshape the way elections are conducted.

    "If the First Amendment has any force," Justice Anthony M. Kennedy wrote for the majority, which included the four members of its conservative wing, "it prohibits Congress from fining or jailing citizens, or associations of citizens, for simply engaging in political speech."

    Justice John Paul Stevens read a long dissent from the bench. He said the majority had committed a grave error in treating corporate speech the same as that of human beings. His decision was joined by the other three members of the court's liberal wing.

    Senator Russ Feingold of Wisconsin, an author of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law, called the ruling "a terrible mistake."

    "Ignoring important principles of judicial restraint and respect for precedent, the Court has given corporate money a breathtaking new role in federal campaigns," said Mr. Feingold, a Democrat.

    Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader and a longtime opponent of that law, praised the Court's decision as "an important step in the direction of restoring the First Amendment rights of these groups by ruling that the Constitution protects their right to express themselves about political candidates and issues up until Election Day." The case had unlikely origins. It involved a documentary called "Hillary: The Movie," a 90-minute stew of caustic political commentary and advocacy journalism. It was produced by Citizens United, a conservative nonprofit corporation, and was released during the Democratic presidential primaries in 2008.

    Citizens United lost a suit that year against the Federal Election Commission, and scuttled plans to show the film on a cable video-on-demand service and to broadcast television advertisements for it. But the film was shown in theaters in six cities, and it remains available on DVD and the Internet.

    The lower court said the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002, usually called the McCain-Feingold law, prohibited the planned broadcasts. The law bans the broadcast, cable or satellite transmission of "electioneering communications" paid for by corporations in the 30 days before a presidential primary and in the 60 days before the general election. That leaves out old technologies, like newspapers, and new ones, like YouTube.

    The law, as narrowed by a 2007 Supreme Court decision, applies to communications "susceptible to no reasonable interpretation other than as an appeal to vote for or against a specific candidate." It also requires spoken and written disclaimers in the film and advertisements for it, along with the disclosure of contributors' names.

    The lower court said the film was a prohibited electioneering communication with one purpose: "to inform the electorate that Senator Clinton is unfit for office, that the United States would be a dangerous place in a President Hillary Clinton world and that viewers should vote against her."

    The McCain-Feingold law does contain an exception for broadcast news reports, commentaries and editorials.

    On its central point, Justice Kennedy's majority opinion was joined by Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. and Justices Antonin Scalia, Samuel A. Alito Jr., and Clarence Thomas. Justice Stevens's dissent was joined by Justices Stephen G. Breyer, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Sonia Sotomayor.

    When the case was first argued last March, it seemed a curiosity likely to be decided on narrow grounds. The court could have ruled that Citizens United was not the sort of group to which the McCain-Feingold law was meant to apply, or that the law did not mean to address 90-minute documentaries, or that video-on-demand technologies were not regulated by the law. Thursday's decision rejected those alternatives.

    Instead of deciding the case in June, the court set down the case for a rare re-argument in September. It now asked the parties to address the much more consequential question of whether the court should overrule a 1990 decision, Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, which upheld restrictions on corporate spending to support or oppose political candidates, along with part of McConnell v. Federal Election Commission, the 2003 decision that upheld the central provisions of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law.

    On Thursday, the court answered its own questions with a resounding yes.

    Read the original article.

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    1/21/2010 12:53:00 PM 0 comments

    Wednesday, January 20, 2010

     

    Mass Backwards (Jon Stewart)

    by Dollars and Sense

    We're a little upset here in Massachusetts. Not because we liked Martha Coakley so much, and not because we like the health-care reform bill so much, but because...well, Jon Stewart will explain:

    The Daily Show With Jon StewartMon - Thurs 11p / 10c
    Mass Backwards
    www.thedailyshow.com
    Daily Show
    Full Episodes
    Political HumorHealth Care Crisis

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    1/20/2010 01:43:00 PM 0 comments

    Tuesday, January 19, 2010

     

    Elizabeth Warren Fights for the CFPA

    by Dollars and Sense

    A couple of recent pieces about Elizabeth Warren,chair of the TARP Congressional Oversight Panel, and her efforts to make sure that the Consumer Financial Protection Agency survives Senate efforts to gut or eliminate it.

    First, from HuffPo:

    Will The Banks Win Again?
    Bailout Watchdog Rallies Support For Consumer Protection Agency
    The battle in the Senate over a proposed consumer financial protection agency is the final show-down between banks and American families, bailout watchdog Elizabeth Warren wrote to supporters Monday night.

    The outcome "will show whether we are going to let the industry continue to write the rules -- to keep the cops off the beat -- or whether the financial crisis actually changed something."

    Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-Conn.) is said to be considering dropping the proposed independent agency from the Senate's financial reform bill.

    But Warren isn't giving up. "We have all worked hard to make the CFPA into a reality, and the next few weeks will determine whether our hard work will make a difference for families or whether families will lose once again," the Harvard Law professor and advocate for the middle class wrote. "The next few weeks will determine whether families will have to play by rules written by the banks and for the banks -- rules that let the industry get away with anything. In my view, we cannot let families lose again."

    The new agency would be equipped with the power to write rules governing basic consumer credit products like home mortgages and credit cards, and would have the authority to regulate big banks and monitor their compliance.

    Federal bank regulators, who focus on the safety and soundness of the country's banking system, are mostly concerned with bank profitability, consumer advocates and law professors say. Consumer protection has not been a priority.

    But there's been a growing recognition that the lack of adequate protection for consumers helped cause the financial meltdown of 2008.

    President Obama and his advisers have repeatedly called for such an agency, arguing that it's the best way to protect consumers from the big banks. The House passed a financial reform bill modeled on his proposal in December.

    Read the rest of the article.

    And this from Reuters:
    Watchdog's fate in Senate key to financial reform

    WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The tag on U.S. financial regulation reform may as well say "Made on Wall Street" if bank lobbyists manage to gut the Obama administration's proposed consumer watchdog agency, said Elizabeth Warren on Monday.

    The head of a panel monitoring the government's bank bailout program, Warren is a Harvard Law School professor and a fierce critic of the banking industry. She is also rumored to be front-runner to become the first chief of President Barack Obama's proposed U.S. Consumer Financial Protection Agency.

    The CFPA would be a new government regulator devoted to shielding Americans from financial rip-offs like the abusive subprime mortgages at the core of the 2008 financial crisis, and the prolonged recession and bank bailouts that followed.

    But the proposed agency, already pared back last month in the House of Representatives, is in trouble in the Senate.

    Under pressure from big banks fighting hard to kill or weaken it, senators are said to be discussing downgrading the CFPA from an independent agency to something less than that.

    Such a move would undermine the integrity of the reform project overall and set up the United States for another cycle of financial predation, crisis and bailout, Warren said.

    The Senate will reconvene on Wednesday with analysts expecting agreement in the banking committee on financial regulation reforms within weeks.

    "The CFPA is the best indicator of whether Congress will reform Wall Street or whether it will continue to give Wall Street whatever it wants," she told Reuters in an interview.

    "The question of who is in control is not going to be revealed by some nuance of how to deal with leverage ratios or credit default swaps clearing," she said.

    "It's not that those issues aren't important; they are. But those are skirmishes on the edges of a huge battle over reining in an out-of-control industry. The CFPA has real teeth, and it is the centerpiece of meaningful reform."

    SWEEPING PLAN

    The Obama administration last year unveiled a sweeping plan to tighten bank and capital market regulation in response to an international financial crisis triggered by the bursting of a U.S. property price bubble and cascading follow-on effects.

    The European Union is also pursuing ambitious changes aimed at preventing another crisis in the future.

    Central to U.S. and EU strategies is finding new ways to deal with so-called "too big to fail" financial powerhouses, such as Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase, Morgan Stanley, Citigroup and Bank of America.

    So dominant have these firms, and a handful of others, become that old laws governing them no longer work. Writing new ones means tackling the complexities of over-the-counter derivatives, capital standards, leverage ratios and the like.

    In the swirl of debate over such esoteric topics, Warren said it is crucial that consumer protection be addressed and that banks, seeking to protect their profit margins, not be allowed to squash changes that would help everyday people.

    Consumer protection is relatively simple and could easily be fixed, she said. The statutes, for the most part, already exist, but enforcement is in the hands of the wrong people, such as the Federal Reserve, which does not consider it central to its main task of maintaining economic stability, she said.

    Setting up the CFPA is largely a matter of stripping the Fed and other agencies of their consumer protection duties and relocating them into a new agency.

    PROFITS THREATENED

    The problem is that a strong CFPA directly threatens the banks' ability to sell confusing, deceptive, fee-heavy financial products that generate huge profits, Warren said.

    That's why the industry -- for many years the leading source of campaign funds to Washington politicians from both parties -- is so adamant in opposing the CFPA, making it politically dangerous for lawmakers to back it.

    Warren said she is skeptical that the CFPA could be effective if it became a division of another agency.

    "The industry wrote the rules that permitted them to behave so recklessly. They captured the agencies, which took the cops off the beat. They funneled enormous resources into the political process to make sure there wouldn't be any new cops.

    "Then they made hundreds of billions of dollars by selling deceptive products. The sale and resale of those deceptive products crashed the economy. The industry then demanded government bailouts and guarantees," she said.

    "Right now we're writing the final chapter in this story. It will show whether we're going back to the first move, letting the industry write the rules again, or whether the crisis actually changed something."

    Read the original article.

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    1/19/2010 06:01:00 PM 0 comments

    Monday, January 18, 2010

     

    More on the FCIC Hearings

    by Dollars and Sense

    Here is something from The Nation; it is somewhat in contradiction to what I posted late last week (here), which portrayed the hearings as letting Wall Street off the hook, whereas this piece finds the testimony (and the quesstioning?) pretty damning of Wall Street, regulators, and ratings agencies, but says that the media have stopped covering the hearings. Sheila Bair's testimony was great; click here for a pdf of her full testimony.

    Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission Turns Up the Heat

    By Greg Kaufmann | January 15, 2010

    Two days of Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission hearings have me rattled about how little has changed about our financial system and how much is still at risk. They also have me wondering this: where the hell are the media?

    For the first day of panels, reporters were squeezed together in the back rows after filling more reserved seating than I've seen at any prior hearing during this session of Congress. But as I wrote previously, after the banksters had preened for the cameras and recited their testimony like four schoolboys BSing their way through an oral report, the press vanished, missing out on more candid and informative witnesses.

    Yesterday, day two of the hearings, maybe a dozen reporters attended, fewer than were at for the press conference afterward. What did they miss?

    For starters, FDIC Chairman Sheila Bair testified that the credit-default swaps (CDS) market still poses a systemic threat and that even she can't access CDS information to accurately assess financial institutions' exposure.

    Bair and SEC Chairman Mary Schapiro were in agreement with Commission Chair Phil Angelides's assessment that the credit rating agencies were "proved to be worthless and remain so today," given that they are paid by the very Wall Street firms who are profiting from AAA-rated securitized assets.

    State attorneys general Lisa Madigan of Illinois and John Suthers of Colorado revealed that not only were their warnings about unscrupulous and predatory lending practices ignored but that their investigations were actively thwarted by federal regulators who in turn did nothing--under the guise of pre-emption.

    Madigan also described how rate sheets reveal that Wall Street paid mortgage brokers and loan officers more for risky mortgages--with low teaser rates, pre-payment penalties, low or no documentation--because the consequent higher interest rate paid by the borrower would bring in more income. Wall Street wasn't the victim of bad underwriting that it claims to be; indeed, it incentivized it.

    Denise Voigt Crawford, a Texas securities regulator for twenty-eight years, discussed the revolving door between agencies and the industries they regulate, and the "chilling effect [it has] on the zeal with which you regulate."

    Schapiro, Bair and Madigan argued that Wall Street should have to "skin in the game" when securitizing assets. As things stand now they sell them with a bought and paid for AAA-rating, and then take their profits even if the underlying assets are worthless. Madigan said of mortgage-backed securities, "At the end of the day, the people who had the risk were on the very front end, the borrower, and on the very back end, the investor. All the other market participants were paid along the way, and they didn't hold on to any of that risk."

    Bair said the agency that could have done something about subprime products early on--when it had a report on problems back in 2000--was the Fed.

    "I think the only place to tackle that on a system-wide basis for both banks and non-banks was through...the Fed [which had] the authority to apply rules against abusive lending across the board to both banks and non-banks," said Bair. "If we had had some good strong constraints at that time, just simple standards like you've got to document income and make sure they can repay the loan--not just at the start, but at the reset rate as well--we could have avoided a lot of this."

    So why didn't the Fed and other federal agencies act?

    "It can be very difficult to take away the punch bowl when, you know, people are making money," said Bair. She also talked about "pushback" from both the industry and the Hill--as late as 2007-- when the FDIC tried to "tighten up" on subprime mortgages and commercial real estate.

    Reforms discussed included a systemic risk council, a consumer financial protection agency, an industry-funded mechanism so that large firms can be broken up and sold off without taxpayer money, greater disclosure of compensation structures and a single clearinghouse for derivatives like credit-default swaps.

    But the task of this commission isn't to open its hearings by announcing the necessary reforms. It's to tell the story of what caused this meltdown, which should galvanize public demand for the necessary reforms. In that regard I think the commission is off to a decent start. They are breaking down tough concepts, showing the interconnectedness between Wall Street, legislators and regulators and fishing with dynamite when it comes to exposing bad actors.

    But time is short--the FCIC's report is due in December of this year. It's going to have to be fearless, and build momentum quickly by bringing in big players and asking them tough questions. That's the only way a bipartisan populist backlash will fight for reform--and it's the only way the media might consider showing up too.

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    1/18/2010 03:10:00 PM 0 comments

     

    For MLK Day (various)

    by Dollars and Sense

    Here's what we recommend for MLK Day:

    Courtesy of The Real News Network (if you haven't checked it out, you should--they have had unusually good coverage of the economic crisis, with frequent appearances by left economists), we have a recording of MLK's Riverside Church speech on April 4, 1967 against the Vietnam War.

    And from The Nation website, Dr. Martin Luther King's Economics: Through Jobs, Freedom, by sometime D&S author Mark Engler:
    Martin Luther King Jr. was working hard to get people to Washington, DC. But when he told an audience, "We are going to bring the tired, the poor, the huddled masses. We are going to bring those who have known long years of hurt and neglect.... We are coming to ask America to be true to the huge promissory note that it signed years ago," the year was not 1963, and his issue was not segregation. Instead, it was 1968, five years after his "I Have a Dream" speech, and now the issue was joblessness and economic deprivation. King was publicizing a new mass mobilization led by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, a drive known as the Poor People's Campaign.

    In King's vision of the campaign, thousands of Americans who had been abandoned by the economy would create a tent city on the National Mall, demand action from Congress, and engage in nonviolent civil disobedience until their voices were heard. King argued in one of his last sermons, "If a man doesn't have a job or an income, he has neither life nor liberty nor the possibility for the pursuit of happiness. He merely exists."

    The solution, he believed, was to "confront the power structure massively."

    Four decades later, as our country struggles with disappearing jobs and growing desperation, much of the critique of the U.S. economy offered in the Poor People's Campaign is newly resonant. As the country celebrates Dr. King's life and legacy, it is an opportune time to ask: How did the reverend approach issues like poverty, unemployment, and economic hardship? And--given that he offered his criticisms amid one of the greatest periods of economic expansion in our country's history--how might he respond to today's crises of foreclosure and recession?

    Jobs and Freedom

    Schooled at Crozer Theological Seminary in the teachings of the Protestant Social Gospel movement, King's theological vision included an economic critique. In a November 1956 sermon, King presented an imaginary letter from the apostle Paul to American Christians, which stated, "Oh America, how often have you taken necessities from the masses to give luxuries to the classes... God never intended for one group of people to live in superfluous inordinate wealth, while others live in abject deadening poverty."

    Unfortunately, since then, inequality has only grown. The Economic Policy Institute reports that, in 1962, a family unit in the top one percent of U.S. households had approximately 125 times the wealth of an average household. By 2004, it had risen to 190 times.

    Dr. King also linked racial and economic injustice. In 1964, before the Voting Rights Act had passed, he observed in his Nobel Prize speech, "Just as nonviolence exposed the ugliness of racial injustice, so must the infection and sickness of poverty be exposed and healed--not only its symptoms but its basic causes."

    Historian Maurice Isserman notes that many Americans who listen annually to excerpts of the 1963 "I Have a Dream" speech are not aware that "the occasion for that speech was officially known as the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom ]emphasis added]... [T]he march called for a 'massive Federal Public Works program to provide jobs for all the unemployed,' and spoke of the 'twin evils of discrimination and economic deprivation.'"

    King's focus on economic justice became even sharper in the last years of his life. A noteworthy part of his critique of the Vietnam War was the idea that aggressive foreign interventionism exacted not only a moral cost but also an economic one: spending on the war was undermining President Lyndon Johnson's Great Society programs. In his famous April 1967 speech at Riverside Church in New York City, King made a damning indictment of a budgetary imbalance that continues to this day: "A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift," he said, "is approaching spiritual death."

    A Guaranteed Income?

    One of King's most sustained pieces of economic reflection appeared in his 1967 book Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community? The work provides an important window into King's thinking at the end of his life.

    In the book, King articulated a Keynesian, demand-side critique of the American marketplace. He argued, "We have so energetically mastered production that we now must give attention to distribution." Unless working Americans and the poor were able to obtain good jobs and increase their purchasing power--their ability to pump money back into the economy--it would be sapped of its dynamism. "We must create full employment or we must create incomes," King wrote. "People must be made consumers by one method or the other."

    King criticized Johnson's War on Poverty for being too piecemeal. While housing programs, job training and family counseling were not themselves unsound, he wrote that "all have a fatal disadvantage. The programs have never proceeded on a coordinated basis.... At no time has a total, coordinated and fully adequate program been conceived."

    Rather than continuing with "fragmentary and spasmodic reforms," King advocated that the government provide full employment. "We need to be concerned that the potential of the individual is not wasted," he wrote. "New forms of work that enhance the social good will have to be devised for those for whom traditional jobs are not available."

    For adults who could not find jobs, King promoted the concept of a guaranteed annual income. Arguing against those who believed that a person's unemployment "indicated a want of industrious habits and moral fiber," King wrote: "We realize that dislocations in the market operation of our economy and the prevalence of discrimination thrust people into idleness and bind them in constant or frequent unemployment against their will." A just response, King believed, was a guaranteed annual income "pegged to the median income of society, not the lowest levels of income."

    Precedents for such a proposal could be found in the writings of canonical American thinkers such as Thomas Paine and Henry George. And by the late 1960s, versions of the idea were being offered by prominent economists including James Tobin, Paul Samuelson and John Kenneth Galbraith. The A. Philip Randolph Institute's "Freedom Budget," developed by Bayard Rustin and economist Leon Keyserling in the mid-1960s, also included a guaranteed income as part of a package of proposals intended to eradicate poverty by 1975. In some versions, enacting a guaranteed income involved expanding and restructuring existing social welfare measures. In other iterations, it took the form of an annual sum that every citizen would receive unconditionally--comparable to the program in Alaska through which every resident receives a yearly, fixed share of the state's oil revenues.

    Isserman cites a 1965 speech to the Negro American Labor Council, in which Dr. King said, "Call it democracy, or call it democratic socialism, but there must be a better distribution of wealth within this country for all God's children."

    To Washington by Mule Cart

    The Poor People's Campaign was conceived to create the political pressure required to enact the types of economic changes that Dr. King and his advisors believed were necessary. "It didn't cost the nation one penny to integrate lunch counters," King said during a February 1968 trip to Mississippi, "...but now we are dealing with issues that cannot be solved without the nation spending billions of dollars and undergoing a radical redistribution of economic power." The same month, he announced to reporters demands for a $30 billion annual investment in antipoverty measures, a government commitment to full employment, enactment of a guaranteed income and funding for the construction of 500,000 affordable housing units per year.

    Most of the time, though, King was content to frame the objectives of the Poor People's Campaign in broad terms. Its purpose, he believed, was to dramatize the reality of joblessness and deprivation by bringing those excluded from the economy to the doorstep of the nation's leaders. Historian Rick Perlstein cites one of the early expressions of King's vision, in which the reverend stated, "We ought to come in mule carts, in old trucks, any kind of transportation people can get their hands on. People ought to come to Washington, sit down if necessary in the middle of the street and say, 'We are here; we are poor; we don't have any money; you have made us this way...and we've come to stay until you do something about it.'"

    Another early proposal that resonates amid our still-unresolved healthcare crisis was offered by advisor Andrew Young, who envisioned having "a thousand people in need of health and medical care sitting in around Bethesda Naval Hospital, so that nobody could get in or out until they get treated. It would dramatize the fact [that] there are thousands of people in our nation in need of medical services."

    Sadly, the movement's plans were violently thrown into disarray. Dr. King was assassinated on April 4, 1968, just weeks before the Poor People's Campaign was set to commence.

    We will never know what the impact of the mobilization might have been if Dr. King had lived. On May 12, in the wake of rioting in more than 100 cities, the Reverend Ralph Abernathy led a group of several thousand to Washington, DC, and set up a shantytown called "Resurrection City" on the mall. At the height of the Poor People's Campaign, nearly 7,000 residents and supporters of the camp lobbied Congress and organized events to focus the nation's attention on poverty.

    However, the campaign was plagued by persistent, intense rain that turned Resurrection City into a muddy sprawl. Conflicts over leadership took root. And the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy, who was becoming an ever more resolute voice for economic justice, further dispirited the encampment. On June 8, shortly before the protestors disbanded, Kennedy's funeral procession stopped in front of the Lincoln Memorial. Thousands of people, including many from Resurrection City, stood in the light rain and paid their respects, singing "The Battle Hymn of the Republic."

    Arguing, Mobilizing, Agitating

    Nearly forty years later, on January 21, 2008, Democratic presidential candidates John Edwards, Hillary Clinton, and Barack Obama participated in a Martin Luther King Jr. Day debate sponsored by CNN and the Congressional Black Caucus. Each candidate was asked whether Dr. King would endorse his or her campaign if he were alive.

    Barack Obama gave the right answer. "I don't think Dr. King would endorse any of us," he said. "I think what he would call upon the American people to do is to hold us accountable.... I believe change does not happen from the top down. It happens from the bottom up. Dr. King understood that. It was those women who were willing to walk instead of ride the bus, union workers who are willing to take on violence and intimidation to get the right to organize.... Them arguing, mobilizing, agitating, and ultimately forcing elected officials to be accountable, I think that's the key."

    A year into the administration, it has become a cliché to say that President Obama needs pressure from an enlivened popular movement if there is to be progressive change in Washington. Yet it would be a disservice to Dr. King to argue otherwise. To those who believed that it was not politically feasible for the Poor People's Campaign to score a legislative victory, King explained, "Two years before we went into Selma, the Civil Rights Commission recommended that something be done in a very strong manner to eradicate [discrimination].... And yet nothing was done about it until we went to Selma, mounted a movement and really engaged in action geared toward moving the nation away from the course that it was following."

    For King, there was no path to just economic policy except for organizing "to bring pressure to bear on Congress, and to appeal to the conscience and the self-interest of the nation."

    Without people taking action in the spirit of Martin Luther King's vision, a few Americans may continue to gather inordinate wealth, but many others, thrust against their will into idleness, insecurity or foreclosure by today's crisis, will have little recourse but to wait for relief from a capricious and uncertain economy.

    Mark Engler, a senior analyst with Foreign Policy in Focus, is the author of How to Rule the World: The Coming Battle Over the Global Economy (Nation Books). He can be reached via www.DemocracyUprising.com.


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    1/18/2010 02:50:00 PM 0 comments

    Friday, January 15, 2010

     

    Haiti Suffering: Partly 'Made in the USA'

    by Dollars and Sense

    Here is something from Bill Quigley at HuffPo. I like his take on U.S. involvement in Haiti (for a more economics-focused, and satirical, version of some of these same points in connection with the last crisis in Haiti--the 2008 food shortages--see Maurice Dufour's How to Make Mud Cookies from D&S, July/August 2008). But the anarchist in me wants to resist his claim that although the people of Haiti are pulling together to address the crisis, "They are courageous and generous and innovative, but volunteers cannot replace government."

    For less statist solutions to crises like this, consider donating to the Cooperative Development Fund. Here's info from Melissa Hoover, director of the U.S. Federation of Worker Cooperatives (of which D&S is a member):
    Dear USFWC Members,

    A message from the Cooperative Development Fund regarding relief for Haiti: (USFWC has added a link to our front page to donate directly to the Cooperative Emergency Fund.)

    As most of you now know, earlier this week a 7.0 magnitude earthquake shook the island of Haiti. Most of Haiti's capital, Port-au-Prince, has been destroyed and millions of people have lost their homes, workplaces, and family members. The extent of the devastation is severe; many of Haiti’s coops have been severely damaged and many of those they serve are in severe need.

    The Cooperative Development Fund (CDF) has a fund strictly for the purpose of assisting people in times like these—The Cooperative Emergency Fund. Over the last 20 years, CDF has raised over $275,000 for cooperative relief and rebuilding efforts for ten different disasters. The CEF was founded to give stability and constancy to CDF’s emergency relief efforts, many of which are of a longer-term rebuilding nature. The Cooperative Emergency Fund will be donating all monies received from here until July 2010 to help the rebuilding efforts in Haiti. CDF will be collaborating with international cooperative relief efforts in this endeavor to rebuild those coops afflicted by this disaster.

    Please assist us with our cause. Donating through the front page of CDF’s website is quick and easy. We ask that you visit the homepage of http://www.cdf.coop and make a donation through our GOOGLE CHECKOUT function on the right hand side of our website. Your support is extremely appreciated.

    Thank you,

    The Cooperative Development Foundation

    Melissa Hoover, Executive Director

    US Federation of Worker Cooperatives

    Now here's that Bill Quigley article:
    What the Mainstream Media Will Not Tell You About Haiti: Part of the Suffering of Haiti is "Made in the USA"

    By Bill Quigley | Posted: January 14, 2010 08:45 PM

    Part of the suffering of Haiti is indeed "Made in the USA." While the earthquake would harm any country, actions by the United States have absolutely magnified the harm from the earthquake in Haiti.

    How? In the last decade alone, the U.S. slashed humanitarian assistance to Haiti, blocked international loans, forced the government of Haiti to downsize, ruined tens of thousands of small farmers, and replaced the government with private non-governmental organizations.

    The result? Small farmers are starved out of the countryside and migrate by the tens of thousands to the cities where they built cheap shelters on hills. International funds for roads and education and healthcare are halted by the U.S. The money that does come into the country goes not to the government but to private corporations. Thus the government of Haiti is nearly powerless to provide assistance to its own people on regular days - much less in the face of a real disaster like this one.

    Some specifics from recent years.

    In 2004, the U.S. assisted in a coup against the democratically elected President of Haiti, Jean Bertrand Aristide. This continues a long tradition of the U.S. deciding who will rule the poorest country in the hemisphere. No government lasts in Haiti without U.S. approval.

    In 2001, when the U.S. was mad at the President of Haiti, the U.S. successfully led an effort to freeze $148 million in already-approved loans and many hundreds of millions more of potential loans from the Inter-American Development Bank to Haiti. Funds which were dedicated to improve education, public health and roads.

    For much of 2001-2004, the U.S. insisted that any international funds sent to Haiti had to go through non-governmental organizations. Funds that would have provided government services were re-routed thus shrinking the ability of the government to provide aid.

    For years the U.S. has helped ruin small farmers in Haiti by dumping heavily subsidized U.S. rice on their market making it extremely difficult for small farmers to survive. This was done to help U.S. farmers. Haitian farmers? They don't vote in the U.S.

    Those who visit Haiti will confirm that the biggest SUVs in Port au Prince are plastered with decals of non-governmental organizations. The biggest offices are for private groups doing the basic work of government - healthcare, education, disaster response. And all are guarded not by police but by private heavily-militarized security.

    The government was systematically starved of funds. The public sector shrank away. Poor people streamed to the cities.

    Thus there are no rescue units. Little public healthcare is available.

    So when disaster struck, the people of Haiti were on their own. We can see them pitching in. We can see them trying. They are courageous and generous and innovative, but volunteers cannot replace government. So people suffer and die in greater numbers than necessary.

    The results are on display for all to see. Tragically, much of the suffering after the earthquake is "Made in the USA."

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    1/15/2010 10:47:00 AM 0 comments

     

    Wall Street Off the Hook

    by Dollars and Sense

    Two good items on the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission; hat-tip to LF. The first is from Newsweek Online:
    Off the Hook

    Wall Street and Washington escape whipping again as the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission gets underway.

    By Michael Hirsh | Newsweek Web Exclusive | Jan 14, 2010

    One sure measure of a successful Washington hearing is the presence of tension, lots of it. Key witnesses are put on the spot. Truths are revealed under close questioning. Embarrassing discrepancies are exposed. Think of the Watergate hearings. Or Iran-contra. Judged by that standard, the inaugural session of the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission on Wednesday was a failure. Left largely unchallenged, Wall Street's finest might as well have been at home dozing in their dens.

    The first sign of trouble came when chairman Phil Angelides thanked the visiting chairmen of Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase, Morgan Stanley, and Bank of America for their "thoughtful" opening statements. Things got progressively more pillowy from there, drifting into outright farce when Bill Thomas, the vice chairman, opened with a drawn-out reflection on the Haiti earthquake and then said that all the questions he could possibly have were already on page A27 of the day's New York Times, which had asked financial experts to suggest lines of inquiry. The remaining commissioners followed with a series of mostly general and scattershot questions that turned what should have been a hot seat for the bankers into a Barcalounger.

    Read the rest of the article.

    And this is from Paul Krugman's column in yesterday's Times:
    Bankers Without a Clue
    By PAUL KRUGMAN | Published: January 14, 2010

    The official Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission—the group that aims to hold a modern version of the Pecora hearings of the 1930s, whose investigations set the stage for New Deal bank regulation—began taking testimony on Wednesday. In its first panel, the commission grilled four major financial-industry honchos. What did we learn?

    Well, if you were hoping for a Perry Mason moment—a scene in which the witness blurts out: "Yes! I admit it! I did it! And I'm glad!"—the hearing was disappointing. What you got, instead, was witnesses blurting out: "Yes! I admit it! I'm clueless!"

    O.K., not in so many words. But the bankers' testimony showed a stunning failure, even now, to grasp the nature and extent of the current crisis. And that's important: It tells us that as Congress and the administration try to reform the financial system, they should ignore advice coming from the supposed wise men of Wall Street, who have no wisdom to offer.

    Consider what has happened so far: The U.S. economy is still grappling with the consequences of the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression; trillions of dollars of potential income have been lost; the lives of millions have been damaged, in some cases irreparably, by mass unemployment; millions more have seen their savings wiped out; hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, will lose essential health care because of the combination of job losses and draconian cutbacks by cash-strapped state governments.

    And this disaster was entirely self-inflicted. This isn't like the stagflation of the 1970s, which had a lot to do with soaring oil prices, which were, in turn, the result of political instability in the Middle East. This time we're in trouble entirely thanks to the dysfunctional nature of our own financial system. Everyone understands this—everyone, it seems, except the financiers themselves.

    There were two moments in Wednesday's hearing that stood out. One was when Jamie Dimon of JPMorgan Chase declared that a financial crisis is something that "happens every five to seven years. We shouldn't be surprised." In short, stuff happens, and that's just part of life.

    But the truth is that the United States managed to avoid major financial crises for half a century after the Pecora hearings were held and Congress enacted major banking reforms. It was only after we forgot those lessons, and dismantled effective regulation, that our financial system went back to being dangerously unstable.

    Read the rest of the column.

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    1/15/2010 10:36:00 AM 0 comments